In this volume, distinguished French and U.S. historians, economists, and political scientists explore the dimensions of France's current crisis of identity. Although every European nation has been adjusting to the dramatic transformations on the continent since the end of the Cold War, France's struggle to adapt has been particularly difficult. Responding to a mix of external and internal pressures, the nation is now questioning many basic assumptions about how France should be governed, what the objectives of national policies should be, and ultimately what it means to be French. Rather than focusing explicitly on the problem of identity, the contributors offer differing perspectives on the issues at the heart of the country's debate about its future. They begin by examining how France's historical legacy has influenced the way the nation confronts contemporary problems, giving special attention to the manner in which past traumatic experiences, socioeconomic and cultural traditions, and the belief in French exceptionalism have shaped current political thinking. They then consider how favoring a more open approach to trade and building a strong franc have changed the culture of economic policy and created dilemmas for the rule of the state as a guarantor of welfare. They go on to explore changes in elite structures, the evolution of the party system, and the spillover of new political conditions that are driving France's efforts to establish a strong national identity in the area of trade. Finally, the contributors examine the central influence of the changing international framework on France's self-definition, on its security policies, its relationship to the European Union, and its basic perceptions of the state and sovereignty. They also consider how the answers to these questions are affecting France's relationships with the outside world and the overriding policy dilemmas faced by all the European nations.
This book re-examines what democracy is, in the context of democratic disenchantment and surge of support for populist parties, in most, if not all, democratic systems. It argues that these popular protests and claims are not by themselves anti-democratic but they are manifestations of a fundamental misunderstanding about what democracy is and can be. The starting point is to underline that all democracies are the result of an historical ‘bricolage’ where many heterogeneous components have been included over time and space, becoming part and parcel of what constitutes a democratic system, even when these foreign elements are literally anti-democratic, in the proper sense of the term. Liberalism is at stake. Many political systems are deemed un-democratic as they tend to become illiberal, forgetting that reforms inspired by liberalism were often directed at limiting, repressing and forbidding the full expression of the will of the people. Today, democracies are, for the most part, characterized not only by periodic crises and the fall of representative institutions (i.e. political parties) but also by the growing expropriation of the ‘political’ by non-political institutions. Governance has replaced governments; elections do not matter, or at least, it seems that a growing number of citizens feel apathetic and resent the political process. Populism is a radical by-product of a popular rage which has not found the appropriate channels to convey its messages and aspirations for change.
The legitimacy of the WTO's decision-making process has always been questioned, and many have advocated public participation mechanisms as a remedy. Yves Bonzon considers the limits and potential of these mechanisms by advancing a conceptual framework which distinguishes the four 'implementation parameters' of public participation: the goal, the object, the modalities, and the actors. He addresses the issue of legitimacy by considering to what extent, and by virtue of which legal developments, one can see implementing the democratic principle as a goal for public participation in the context of the WTO. By analysing the institutional structure of the WTO and its different types of decisions, he then outlines how this goal should influence the object and modalities of public participation, which decision-making procedures should be opened to public participation, and how the mechanisms should be implemented in practice. Finally, he suggests specific amendments to existing WTO arrangements on public participation.
In this volume, distinguished French and U.S. historians, economists, and political scientists explore the dimensions of France's current crisis of identity. Although every European nation has been adjusting to the dramatic transformations on the continent since the end of the Cold War, France's struggle to adapt has been particularly difficult. Responding to a mix of external and internal pressures, the nation is now questioning many basic assumptions about how France should be governed, what the objectives of national policies should be, and ultimately what it means to be French. Rather than focusing explicitly on the problem of identity, the contributors offer differing perspectives on the issues at the heart of the country's debate about its future. They begin by examining how France's historical legacy has influenced the way the nation confronts contemporary problems, giving special attention to the manner in which past traumatic experiences, socioeconomic and cultural traditions, and the belief in French exceptionalism have shaped current political thinking. They then consider how favoring a more open approach to trade and building a strong franc have changed the culture of economic policy and created dilemmas for the rule of the state as a guarantor of welfare. They go on to explore changes in elite structures, the evolution of the party system, and the spillover of new political conditions that are driving France's efforts to establish a strong national identity in the area of trade. Finally, the contributors examine the central influence of the changing international framework on France's self-definition, on its security policies, its relationship to the European Union, and its basic perceptions of the state and sovereignty. They also consider how the answers to these questions are affecting France's relationships with the outside world and the overriding policy dilemmas faced by all the European nations.
Government and Politics in Western Europe offers a clear and accessible, yet sophisticated, comparative introduction to the political institutions of Western Europe's four largest countries: Britain, France, Italy, and Germany. The third edition of this successful and established student textbook has been thoroughly revised to cover not only developments at national level, but also the growing integration of national politics with the politics of the European Union, including: Two completely new chapters on the European Union which set the EU in the context of the national political systems studied elsewhere in the book, supplying a concise but thorough introduction to European institutions, and presenting the main theoretical perspectives on the EU. An extensive updating covering such recent events as the Left's election victories of 1997 in Britain and France and the collapse of the Italian party system in the mid-1990s. New tables and diagrams providing invaluable reference material for key facts and processes. Clearly written and comprehensive, this text will be essential reading for all students of comparative politics, European studies, and West European politics.
Unique in offering an analysis of four major European democratic systems (the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and West Germany), this first volume in the Comparative European Politics series combines theoretical approaches with empirical material. Organized around themes rather than countries, the book includes chapters on political cleavages, political parties and pressure groups, governmental institutions, and constitutional courts. This English edition has been substantially revised by the author to include a fuller discussion of the French system. Published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research, the Comparative European Politics series is geared for students and teachers of political science. Each volume provides an up-to-date survey of the current state of knowledge and research on an issue of major significance in European government and politics.
This book re-examines what democracy is, in the context of democratic disenchantment and surge of support for populist parties, in most, if not all, democratic systems. It argues that these popular protests and claims are not by themselves anti-democratic but they are manifestations of a fundamental misunderstanding about what democracy is and can be. The starting point is to underline that all democracies are the result of an historical ‘bricolage’ where many heterogeneous components have been included over time and space, becoming part and parcel of what constitutes a democratic system, even when these foreign elements are literally anti-democratic, in the proper sense of the term. Liberalism is at stake. Many political systems are deemed un-democratic as they tend to become illiberal, forgetting that reforms inspired by liberalism were often directed at limiting, repressing and forbidding the full expression of the will of the people. Today, democracies are, for the most part, characterized not only by periodic crises and the fall of representative institutions (i.e. political parties) but also by the growing expropriation of the ‘political’ by non-political institutions. Governance has replaced governments; elections do not matter, or at least, it seems that a growing number of citizens feel apathetic and resent the political process. Populism is a radical by-product of a popular rage which has not found the appropriate channels to convey its messages and aspirations for change.
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