K. William Kapp’s heterodox theory of social costs proposes precautionary planning to pre-empt social costs and provide social benefits via socio-ecological safety standards that guarantee the gratification of basic human needs. Based on arguments from Thorstein Veblen, Karl Marx, and Max Weber, social costs are conceptualized as systemic and large-scale damages caused by markets. Kapp refutes neoclassical solutions, such as bargaining, taxation, and tort law, unmasking them as ineffective, inefficient, inconsistent, and too market-obedient. The chapters of this book present the social costs of markets and neoclassical economics, the social benefits of environmental controls, development planning, and the governance of science and technological standards. This book demonstrates the fruitfulness of the heterodox theory of social costs as a coherent framework to develop effective remedies for today’s urgent socio-ecological crises. This volume is suitable for readers at all levels who are interested in the theory of social costs, heterodox economics, and the history of economic thought.
A masterful, epic account of the Spanish Ulcer that drained Napoleon's resources and played a pivotal role in the end of his domination of Europe. The author served with distinction in the actions of the Light Division, such as the epic march to Talavera, the battles of Fuentes d’Oñoro, Salamanca, Nivelle, Orthes and Toulouse. He left the service a General and Knight Commander of the Order of Bath. Napier’s History would rank as the most important history to be written by an actual participant, and was as controversial with his countrymen as amoung his contemporaries on the Continent. In this fifth volume (early 1813 to December 1813), Napier follows the Allied forces in their march to the French frontier and beyond. As Napoleon attempts to recover from the shattering failure of the 1812 Russian campaign and regain the initiative in Germany, the Duke of Wellington’s army, British, Portuguese and Spanish, begins to assert a dominance over their French opponents in the Peninsular. Despite further political manoeuvring the Spanish and with the Regency in Portugal, Wellington sent his army of a brilliant series of outflanking moves, culminating in the crushing of the French armies at Vitoria. Although he was enabled by this victory to push to the French frontier, he was left with two sieges at Pamplona and St Sebastian behind his lines,and a re-organized French army under Soult to his front. Eventually defeating the French offensive designed to relieve Pamplona, despite some less than spectacular performances by some of his subordinates, Wellington was able to invade France proper. A number of battles such as St. Pierre, and the Nivelle, all allied successes, resulted in a proper push toward final victory. Napier also covers the events in other parts of Spain, where the very capable Marshal Suchet was able to fight off a number campaigns in Catalonia or aiming for Catalonia, despite the British command of the seas.
The first study to explore all Britain’s key land and sea campaigns from 179–1815 and the two military geniuses who vanquished France. The art of power consists of getting what one wants. That is never more challenging than when a nation is at war. Britain fought a nearly nonstop war against first revolutionary then Napoleonic France from 1793 to 1815. During those twenty-two years, the government formed, financed, and led seven coalitions against France. The French inflicted humiliating defeats on the first five. Eventually Britain and its allies prevailed, not once but twice, by vanquishing Napoleon temporarily in 1814 and definitively in 1815. French revolutionaries had created a new form of warfare, which Napoleon perfected. Never before had a government mobilized so much of a realm’s manpower, industry, finance, and patriotism, nor, under Napoleon, wielded it more effectively and ruthlessly to pulverize and conquer one’s enemies. Britain struggled up a blood-soaked learning curve to master this new form of warfare. With time the British made the most of their natural strategic and economic advantages. Britons were relatively secure and prosperous in their island realm. British merchants, manufacturers, and financiers dominated global markets. The Royal Navy not only ruled the waves that lapped against the nation’s shores but those plowed by international commerce around the world. Yet even with those assets victory was not inevitable. Two military geniuses are the most vital reasons why Britain and its allies vanquished France when and how they did. General Arthur Wellesley, the Duke of Wellington and Admiral Horatio Nelson respectively mastered warfare on land and at sea. Of the hundreds of books on the era, none before has explored all of Britain’s land and sea campaigns from the first in 1793 to the last in 1815. This vividly written, meticulously researched book lets readers experience each level of war from the debates over grand strategy in London to the horrors of combat engulfing soldiers and sailors in distant lands and seas. Haunting voices of participants echo from two centuries ago, culled from speeches, diaries, and letters. Britain's Rise to Global Superpower in the Age of Napoleon reveals how decisively or disastrously the British army and navy wielded the art of military power during the Age of Revolution and Napoleon.
The three main levels of analysis in international relations have been the systemic, the national, and the individual. A fourth level that falls between the systemic and the national is the region. It is woefully underdeveloped in comparison to the attention afforded the other three. Yet regions tend to be distinctive theaters for international politics. Otherwise, we would not recognize that Middle Eastern interstate politics somehow does not resemble Latin American interstate politics or interstate politics in Southern Africa (although once the Middle East and Southern Africa may have seemed more similar in their mutual fixation with opposition to domestic policies in Israel and South Africa, respectively). This book, divided into three parts, first makes a case for studying regional politics even though it must also be appreciated that regional boundaries are also hazy and not always easy to pin down empirically. The second part examines power distributions within regions as an important entry point to studying regional similarities and differences. Two emphases are stressed. One is that regional power assessments need to be conditioned by controlling for weak states which are more common in some regions than they are in others. The other emphasis is on regional power hierarchies. Some regions have strong regional hierarchies while others do not. Regions with strong hierarchies operate much differently from those without them in the sense that the former are more pacific than the latter. The third part of the book focuses on regional differences in terms of conflict behavior, order preferences, rivalries, and rivalry termination.
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