How rumors, lies, and misrepresentations shaped American history After the election of Donald Trump as president, people in the United States and across large swaths of Europe, Latin America, and Asia engaged in the most intensive discussion in modern times about falsehoods pronounced by public officials. Fake facts in their various forms have long been present in American life, particularly in its politics, public discourse, and business activities – going back to the time when the country was formed. This book explores the long tradition of fake facts, in their various guises, in American history. It is one of the first historical studies to place the long history of lies and misrepresentation squarely in the middle of American political, business, and science policy rhetoric. In Fake News Nation, James Cortada and William Aspray present a series of case studies that describe how lies and fake facts were used over the past two centuries in important instances in American history. Cortada and Aspray give readers a perspective on fake facts as they appear today and as they are likely to appear in the future.
From Richard Lawrence to John Wilkes Booth to John Hinckley, Jr., Americans have preferred their presidential assassins, whether failed or successful, to be more or less crazy. Seemingly, this absolves us of having to wonder where the American experiment might have gone wrong. John Wilkes Booth has been no exception to this rule. But was he? In a new, provocative study comprising three essays, historian William L. Richter delves into the psyche of Booth and finds him far from insane. Beginning with a modern, less adulating interpretation of President Abraham Lincoln, Richter is the first scholar to examine Booth's few known, often unfinished speeches and essays to draw a realistic mind-picture of the man who intensely believed in common American political theories of his day, and acted violently to carry them out during the time of America's greatest war.
Between 1906 and the outbreak of World War I, Moscow was the locale of great uncertainty and experimentation. Moscow's liberal leaders sought social and political stability for their city following the violence of the 1905 revolution by offering attractive programs in education, employment, housing and other areas to Moscow's unruly lower classes. They were countered in their efforts, however, by central authorities of the Old Regime, who feared the political effects of these programs and stressed social rigidity. Liberal City, Conservative State examines the resulting clash between the city and the state as it brought to the surface and exacerbated the deep tensions plaguing Russia by the eve of World War I. It focuses on the roots of this dispute, juxtaposing the Old Regime's rural background and orientation with the urban concerns of Moscow's liberals, and sees the state's essential failure in its inability to come to terms with the realities of urban life and growth. Providing new perspectives and insights into Russian liberalism, the scope and urgency of urban problems, and the importance of tsarist ideology in conditioning development after 1905, Moscow's story sheds light on the unsolved dilemmas and contradictions that pushed Russia inexorably toward revolution.
This text examines the history of the Confederate Secret Service and its involvement in the assassination of President Lincoln. The author uses previously unknown records and traces the development of Confederate doctrine for the conduct of irregular warfare.
The United States has had a tumultuous monetary and banking history. The bitter Bank War during Andrew Jackson’s presidency meant that the country never developed a central bank in the 1800s. The pre–Civil War monetary standard was deflationary until the fortuitous California gold discovery. Political turmoil erupted later in the nineteenth century over whether the government should freely coin silver. Meanwhile, Congress imposed a banking system that virtually drove bank reserves into stock market speculation. Even when the Federal Reserve was finally established in 1913, it was initially decentralized and unable to effectively respond to the Great Depression. From this narrative emerges a money supply increasingly managed by central banking authorities and increasingly nationalized with the end of the gold standard. Efficient Macro Concept: U.S. Monetary, Industrial, and Foreign Exchange Policies shows that the next step forward is a set of industrial and foreign exchange policy options for driving real growth in the economy. Stronger economic growth is possible through specialized institutions and transactions rooted in the tradition of central banking but flexible and compatible with free enterprise and balanced budgets.
Volume 2 of 2. I must confess I know little, if anything, about the War of 1812 with the USA, which is the subject of this book. For anybody else in the same boat, who wants to learn about it, this 1000-page account will go a long way towards remedying that lack of knowledge. It is a contemporary account, published a few years after the war, which officially ended in December 1814 though hostilities dragged on. As you might expect, the prose is flowery, written at a time when authors were not inclined to simply call a spade a shovel, but rather tended to elaborate with wordy sentences. That said, it is a very comprehensive account with great attention to detail, beginning with the causes for the war during which an American invasion of Canada was sharply seen off. There are numerous appendices containing official correspondence, the wording of the Peace Treaty drawn up in Ghent in December 1814 (though hostilities did not cease for a two or three months) and casualty figures for various engagements. Battle honours awarded to the British forces engaged included Detroit, Niagara, Miami and Queenstown, but on the other hand James is severely critical of what he calls the misbehaviour in action of two British regiments, the 44th and 21st Foot, described as “the two worst disciplined corps on the field at New Orleans.” The problem for the British was the threat from Napoleon, and it wasn't till the Spring of 1814, after his fall, that they were able to reinforce significantly their naval and military forces forces; nevertheless they were certainly pleased to see the end of the war. It was during this conflict that Washington was taken and the Capitol burned – and that reminds me of a story an American officer colleague told me. He was attending a military conference chaired by US colonel and at some point the British representative, also a colonel, was proving difficult. Eventually the exasperated chairman thumped the table saying: “What can you expect from the guys who burned Washington!” The British officer replied: “Really? I know we did Joan of Arc but I didn't know we did George as well!” Evidently I was not alone in my ignorance.
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