The 1982 statistics on the use of family planning and infertility services presented in this report are preliminary results from Cycle III of the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG), conducted by the National Center for Health Statistics. Data were collected through personal interviews with a multistage area probability sample of 7969 women aged 15-44. A detailed series of questions was asked to obtain relatively complete estimates of the extent and type of family planning services received. Statistics on family planning services are limited to women who were able to conceive 3 years before the interview date. Overall, 79% of currently mrried nonsterile women reported using some type of family planning service during the previous 3 years. There were no statistically significant differences between white (79%), black (75%) or Hispanic (77%) wives, or between the 2 income groups. The 1982 survey questions were more comprehensive than those of earlier cycles of the survey. The annual rate of visits for family planning services in 1982 was 1077 visits /1000 women. Teenagers had the highest annual visit rate (1581/1000) of any age group for all sources of family planning services combined. Visit rates declined sharply with age from 1447 at ages 15-24 to 479 at ages 35-44. Similar declines with age also were found in the visit rates for white and black women separately. Nevertheless, the annual visit rate for black women (1334/1000) was significantly higher than that for white women (1033). The highest overall visit rate was for black women 15-19 years of age (1867/1000). Nearly 2/3 of all family planning visits were to private medical sources. Teenagers of all races had higher family planning service visit rates to clinics than to private medical sources, as did black women age 15-24. White women age 20 and older had higher visit rates to private medical services than to clinics. Never married women had higher visit rates to clinics than currently or formerly married women. Data were also collected in 1982 on use of medical services for infertility by women who had difficulty in conceiving or carrying a pregnancy to term. About 1 million ever married women had 1 or more infertility visits in the 12 months before the interview. During the 3 years before interview, about 1.9 million women had infertility visits. For all ever married women, as well as for white and black women separately, infertility services were more likely to be secured from private medical sources than from clinics. The survey design, reliability of the estimates and the terms used are explained in the technical notes.
In an era when half of marriages end in divorce, cohabitation has become more commonplace and those who do get married are doing so at an older age. So why do people marry when they do? And why do some couples choose to cohabit? A team of expert family sociologists examines these timely questions in Marriage and Cohabitation, the result of their research over the last decade on the issue of union formation. Situating their argument in the context of the Western world’s 500-year history of marriage, the authors reveal what factors encourage marriage and cohabitation in a contemporary society where the end of adolescence is no longer signaled by entry into the marital home. While some people still choose to marry young, others elect to cohabit with varying degrees of commitment or intentions of eventual marriage. The authors’ controversial findings suggest that family history, religious affiliation, values, projected education, lifetime earnings, and career aspirations all tip the scales in favor of either cohabitation or marriage. This book lends new insight into young adult relationship patterns and will be of interest to sociologists, historians, and demographers alike.
Time capsules have been used for thousands of years to store for posterity a selection of objects thought to be representative of life at a particular time. Such vessels have the dual purpose of causing participants to ponder their own cultural era and think about those to come. This work is a cultural history of five thousand years of time capsules and other related time-information transfer experiences. It examines both the formal and the popular culture aspects of the time capsule, from its roots in ancient Mesopotamian and Egyptian building foundation deposits to the present utilization of spacecraft probes and other extreme locations. The deposits of 3000 BCE deliberately had no definite date and time to be opened; in 1876 CE came the idea of target-dated deposits. Also discussed are how "real" time capsules work, notional and archaeological time capsules, the height of the time capsule's popularity from 1935 to 1982, the preservation of writings in time capsules, keeping time in a perpetual futurescape, and turn of the century hype surrounding millennium time capsules.
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