Over the last few years, Turkey seems to have embraced the East again. Ankara’s closer relations with Eurasian countries go hand in hand with the global shift eastwards, towards the ever-growing and most dynamic region in the world. It is therefore the result of an increasing differentiation of Turkey’s foreign relations, driven by strategic, economic and energy interests. Stronger ties with Eurasian countries, i.e. Russia and China, are also the litmus test for the ups and downs in relations with Washington and Brussels. While Ankara still retains strong ties with the West, it is laying the groundwork to further widen its interests to the East. This report aims to analyse the multi-faceted aspects of Ankara’s Eurasian shift, highlighting the domestic drivers of Turkey’s “Eurasianism”, the interests at stake, the areas of cooperation and competition, and last but not least the implications for the EU.
This book explains why the EU is not a ‘normative actor’ in the Southern Mediterranean, and how and why EU democracy promotion fails. Drawing on a combination of discourse analysis of EU policy documents and evidence from opinion polls showing ‘what the people want’, the book shows EU policy fails because the EU promotes a conception of democracy which people do not share. Likewise, the EU’s strategies for economic development are misconceived because they do not reflect the people’s preferences for greater social justice and reducing inequalities. This double failure highlights a paradox of EU democracy promotion: while nominally emancipatory, it de facto undermines the very transitions to democracy and inclusive development it aims to pursue.
Over the past few years, the Eastern Mediterranean has become a major hotspot for both natural gas and geopolitical competition. Natural gas discoveries in the last decade have attracted growing interest from regional countries and beyond. However, recent escalations in tensions and outright confrontations suggest that competition goes beyond the scramble for energy. Indeed, natural gas is just one of the factors that contribute to shaping security and geopolitical dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean, which has emerged as a crucial strategic area in the broader Mediterranean and the Middle East. Moving from the analysis of these interconnected factors, this Report examines the strategy and the plethora of interests of regional and international players, as well as the interplay between cooperative and competitive dynamics in the region. What are the geopolitical, security, and energy interests of the countries involved? What are the implications on the regional security context of the moves and policies of regional and international powers?
In recent years, Türkiye's foreign policy has been driven by efforts to reset relations with regional competitors in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Against a backdrop of disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as well as the redefinition of the US role in the region, Ankara's renewed diplomatic activism has been guided by the willingness to break from regional isolation, as well as the need to relieve Türkiye's deteriorating economy. How did Türkiye ditch its ideological approach in the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings to adopt a more pragmatic stance? And how is the process of rapprochement with other key actors in the MENA region playing out – namely Gulf monarchies, Israel and Egypt?
Over the last years the Gulf monarchies emerged as assertive players both in the MENA region and in the global context. Relying on their huge energy reserves and financial assets, these states acquired increasing international leverage. On the one hand, the oil monarchies moved eastwards exploiting the opportunity provided by emerging Asian markets to diversify their energy relations and economic interests. On the other, they were prompted by the 2011 uprisings to modify their traditional stance in favour of a more proactive approach that dramatically altered their influence in the region. However, Gulf activism comes at a time when the monarchies are facing important internal and external challenges. In this complex puzzle, the report aims to assess to what extent the rising Gulf monarchies are able to play as key actors at both the regional and the international levels. Are Gulf monarchies adopting sustainable domestic policies in the long-term? How have they extended their influence in the MENA region? How are they reshaping their international relations? How do they act in the world energy market? What are the implications of the Gulf’s new assertiveness for the EU states?
As the world's economic and political centre of gravity moves increasingly towards East and South Asia, we can expect a number of countries in these regions to devote more attention to the Middle East. The relations between East and South Asia and the Middle East have significantly expanded as a result of the global rise of Asian economic powers, particularly China, India, Japan and South Korea. Not only oil but also trade, investment, infrastructure, and tourism is the name of the business with the MENA region. Beyond energy and economic interests, questions arise about the potential geopolitical dimension of these evolving ties. What are the strategic implications of the projection of Asian countries in an unstable, fragmented and volatile region? How do they interact with each other and with other international players? Last but not least, will the Covid-19 pandemic be a game changer in (re)shaping relations in the future?
Over the last few years, Turkey seems to have embraced the East again. Ankara's closer relations with Eurasian countries go hand in hand with the global shift eastwards, towards the ever-growing and most dynamic region in the world. It is therefore the result of an increasing differentiation of Turkey's foreign relations, driven by strategic, economic and energy interests. Stronger ties with Eurasian countries, i.e. Russia and China, are also the litmus test for the ups and downs in relations with Washington and Brussels. While Ankara still retains strong ties with the West, it is laying the groundwork to further widen its interests to the East. This report aims to analyse the multi-faceted aspects of Ankara's Eurasian shift, highlighting the domestic drivers of Turkey's "Eurasianism", the interests at stake, the areas of cooperation and competition, and last but not least the implications for the EU.
The war in Ukraine has highlighted Europe's urgency to diversify its energy supplies and reduce dependence on Russia. While, in such context, energy security has become a top political priority for Europe, energy resources from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have drawn European countries' renewed attention. Boasting abundant oil and gas reserves, the MENA region will likely play a leading role in Europe's current energy crisis. While MENA exporters' ability to increase their supply is limited in the short-term, more resources are likely to be available in a longer-term perspective. As Europeans are scrambling for alternatives, this Report analyses the different implications for a number of MENA exporters of fossil fuels. As these countries have become even more central to Europe's energy security, assessing their prospects is of paramount importance, including not only their short-term role as suppliers of fossil fuels, but also their opportunity to accelerate along the path of the green transition. How is the current energy crisis affecting the role of MENA hydrocarbons producers as Europe's energy suppliers? How will Europe's needs in additional resources redefine energy geopolitics in the Middle East and North Africa? Which new prospects for their green transition?
Using four notorious moments in the life of Duke Vincenzo Gonzaga of Mantua, Valeria Finucci explores changing early modern concepts of sexuality, reproduction, beauty, and aging. She deftly marries salacious tales with historical analysis to tell a broader story of Italian Renaissance cultural adjustments and obsessions.
X for ten years, X for marking out a spot in the genre, X for the unknown variable that changes the status quo. This anthology is a mix of reprints from the first decade of The Future Fire magazine, and new, experimental, unusual or aspirational pieces that push boundaries or play games that might tickle Borges, Calvino and Kafka. With both old and new stories, the editors hope to give a taste of what they'd like to see more of in the next decade, and in the process supply voracious readers with 29 short stories and other pieces of writing full of progressive ideas, underrepresented voices, socially important tales, and of course entertaining, quality fiction! This paper book gives the stories, half of them previously published but in digital form only, another time and space to be enjoyed in.
Members of the phylum Echinodermata are among the most familiar marine invertebrates. Forms such as the sea star have become virtually a symbol of sea life. Used in ancient oriental medicine as a source of bioactive compounds, sea cucumbers, sea stars and sea urchins are now used for the extraction and purification of cytotoxic, haemolytic, antiviral, antifungal, antifouling, antimicrobial and even anti-tumoural activities. In addition, of the five extant classes, sea urchins and sea cucumbers are important economic resources for current fishery and aquaculture. Molecular and cell biological techniques described in this book are, on the one hand, indicative of the improvements made over the years and, on the other, stress the need of their further exploitation for the sustainable production of bioactive compounds and their application in biomedicine.
Over the last eight years the Syrian conflict has developed into one of the worst humanitarian tragedies of modern times. More than half a million victims, 5 million refugees abroad and 6 million internally displaced: the figures only capture part of Syria's catastrophe. In addition, there is the less quantifiable damage to the country's social fabric. Against this dramatic backdrop, this ISPI Report aims to answer a few crucial questions: how can a country whose society has gone through such traumas and destruction reimagine itself and its future? What conditions would allow those Syrians who were forced to leave their homes to return? And what are the regional and international dynamics and interests that will shape Syria's future? The Report provides the reader with key tools to understand where Syria is headed and what can be done to avoid the worst scenarios.
As the world's economic and political centre of gravity moves increasingly towards East and South Asia, we can expect a number of countries in these regions to devote more attention to the Middle East. The relations between East and South Asia and the Middle East have significantly expanded as a result of the global rise of Asian economic powers, particularly China, India, Japan and South Korea. Not only oil but also trade, investment, infrastructure, and tourism is the name of the business with the MENA region. Beyond energy and economic interests, questions arise about the potential geopolitical dimension of these evolving ties. What are the strategic implications of the projection of Asian countries in an unstable, fragmented and volatile region? How do they interact with each other and with other international players? Last but not least, will the Covid-19 pandemic be a game changer in (re)shaping relations in the future?
In recent years, Türkiye's foreign policy has been driven by efforts to reset relations with regional competitors in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Against a backdrop of disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as well as the redefinition of the US role in the region, Ankara's renewed diplomatic activism has been guided by the willingness to break from regional isolation, as well as the need to relieve Türkiye's deteriorating economy. How did Türkiye ditch its ideological approach in the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings to adopt a more pragmatic stance? And how is the process of rapprochement with other key actors in the MENA region playing out – namely Gulf monarchies, Israel and Egypt?
This book explains why the EU is not a ‘normative actor’ in the Southern Mediterranean, and how and why EU democracy promotion fails. Drawing on a combination of discourse analysis of EU policy documents and evidence from opinion polls showing ‘what the people want’, the book shows EU policy fails because the EU promotes a conception of democracy which people do not share. Likewise, the EU’s strategies for economic development are misconceived because they do not reflect the people’s preferences for greater social justice and reducing inequalities. This double failure highlights a paradox of EU democracy promotion: while nominally emancipatory, it de facto undermines the very transitions to democracy and inclusive development it aims to pursue.
As the world's economic and political centre of gravity moves increasingly towards East and South Asia, we can expect a number of countries in these regions to devote more attention to the Middle East. The relations between East and South Asia and the Middle East have significantly expanded as a result of the global rise of Asian economic powers, particularly China, India, Japan and South Korea. Not only oil but also trade, investment, infrastructure, and tourism is the name of the business with the MENA region. Beyond energy and economic interests, questions arise about the potential geopolitical dimension of these evolving ties. What are the strategic implications of the projection of Asian countries in an unstable, fragmented and volatile region? How do they interact with each other and with other international players? Last but not least, will the Covid-19 pandemic be a game changer in (re)shaping relations in the future?
Over the past few years, the Eastern Mediterranean has become a major hotspot for both natural gas and geopolitical competition. Natural gas discoveries in the last decade have attracted growing interest from regional countries and beyond. However, recent escalations in tensions and outright confrontations suggest that competition goes beyond the scramble for energy. Indeed, natural gas is just one of the factors that contribute to shaping security and geopolitical dynamics in the Eastern Mediterranean, which has emerged as a crucial strategic area in the broader Mediterranean and the Middle East. Moving from the analysis of these interconnected factors, this Report examines the strategy and the plethora of interests of regional and international players, as well as the interplay between cooperative and competitive dynamics in the region. What are the geopolitical, security, and energy interests of the countries involved? What are the implications on the regional security context of the moves and policies of regional and international powers?
Over the last years the Gulf monarchies emerged as assertive players both in the MENA region and in the global context. Relying on their huge energy reserves and financial assets, these states acquired increasing international leverage. On the one hand, the oil monarchies moved eastwards exploiting the opportunity provided by emerging Asian markets to diversify their energy relations and economic interests. On the other, they were prompted by the 2011 uprisings to modify their traditional stance in favour of a more proactive approach that dramatically altered their influence in the region. However, Gulf activism comes at a time when the monarchies are facing important internal and external challenges. In this complex puzzle, the report aims to assess to what extent the rising Gulf monarchies are able to play as key actors at both the regional and the international levels. Are Gulf monarchies adopting sustainable domestic policies in the long-term? How have they extended their influence in the MENA region? How are they reshaping their international relations? How do they act in the world energy market? What are the implications of the Gulf’s new assertiveness for the EU states?
The war in Ukraine has highlighted Europe's urgency to diversify its energy supplies and reduce dependence on Russia. While, in such context, energy security has become a top political priority for Europe, energy resources from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have drawn European countries' renewed attention. Boasting abundant oil and gas reserves, the MENA region will likely play a leading role in Europe's current energy crisis. While MENA exporters' ability to increase their supply is limited in the short-term, more resources are likely to be available in a longer-term perspective. As Europeans are scrambling for alternatives, this Report analyses the different implications for a number of MENA exporters of fossil fuels. As these countries have become even more central to Europe's energy security, assessing their prospects is of paramount importance, including not only their short-term role as suppliers of fossil fuels, but also their opportunity to accelerate along the path of the green transition. How is the current energy crisis affecting the role of MENA hydrocarbons producers as Europe's energy suppliers? How will Europe's needs in additional resources redefine energy geopolitics in the Middle East and North Africa? Which new prospects for their green transition?
Over the last eight years the Syrian conflict has developed into one of the worst humanitarian tragedies of modern times. More than half a million victims, 5 million refugees abroad and 6 million internally displaced: the figures only capture part of Syria's catastrophe. In addition, there is the less quantifiable damage to the country's social fabric. Against this dramatic backdrop, this ISPI Report aims to answer a few crucial questions: how can a country whose society has gone through such traumas and destruction reimagine itself and its future? What conditions would allow those Syrians who were forced to leave their homes to return? And what are the regional and international dynamics and interests that will shape Syria's future? The Report provides the reader with key tools to understand where Syria is headed and what can be done to avoid the worst scenarios.
Over the last few years, Turkey seems to have embraced the East again. Ankara's closer relations with Eurasian countries go hand in hand with the global shift eastwards, towards the ever-growing and most dynamic region in the world. It is therefore the result of an increasing differentiation of Turkey's foreign relations, driven by strategic, economic and energy interests. Stronger ties with Eurasian countries, i.e. Russia and China, are also the litmus test for the ups and downs in relations with Washington and Brussels. While Ankara still retains strong ties with the West, it is laying the groundwork to further widen its interests to the East. This report aims to analyse the multi-faceted aspects of Ankara's Eurasian shift, highlighting the domestic drivers of Turkey's "Eurasianism," the interests at stake, the areas of cooperation and competition, and last but not least the implications for the EU.
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