As this volume opens, partisan politics in the United States are building to a crescendo with the approach of the presidential election. Working for a Republican victory, Jefferson consults frequently with Madison, Monroe, and others to achieve favorable results in state elections. He corresponds with controversial journalist James T. Callender. Sifting information from published rumors and private letters, he follows events in Europe, including Bonaparte's unexpected rise to power in France, and sees the value of his tobacco crop plummet as U.S. legislation cuts off the French market. Jefferson grows concerned at Federalist promotion of English common law in American jurisprudence and at proceedings in the Senate against William Duane, printer of the Philadelphia Aurora. Drawing heavily on British legislative practice, however, as well as advice from Virginia, he begins in earnest to compile a manual of parliamentary procedures for the Senate. As president of the American Philosophical Society, Jefferson calls for reform of the United States census. He publishes an appendix to Notes on the State of Virginia defending his account of the Mingo Indian Logan's legendary 1774 speech. And Jefferson consults Joseph Priestley and Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours about the curriculum for a projected new university in Virginia. While continuing the reconstruction of Monticello, he mourns the death of the infant girl of his younger daughter, Mary Jefferson Eppes.
The Louisiana Purchase dominates the months covered in this volume. Jefferson departs for Monticello to enjoy a needed respite after the busy three and a half months he has just spent in the nation's capital. Shortly before leaving Washington, he has a last meeting with his cabinet, after which he issues a proclamation to reconvene Congress on 17 October, three weeks early. It is the "great and weighty" business of the French government’s stunning offer to transfer all of the Louisiana Territory to the United States that necessitates this important gathering. The event brings Jefferson enthusiastic congratulations from his friends and fellow Republicans. With Jefferson’s great success, however, comes the reality of getting the agreement with France approved and implemented. The boundaries of the territory ceded are not even clear. In private letters to his trusted advisers, Jefferson discusses the proper course of action. Should both houses of Congress be called to consider the French offer? Is it prudent to make the substance of a treaty public? And perhaps most vexing, does this executive action require an amendment to the Constitution? Some Federalists criticize the plan, but an expansion of the nation’s territory, proponents argue, will raise America’s stature in the eyes of the world. With the widening of the country’s borders, Jefferson’s project to send an exploratory party westward seems even timelier. William Clark accepts Meriwether Lewis’s invitation to join the expedition, and on the last day of August Lewis begins his journey down the Ohio River, the building of his boat finally complete.
America’s Two Constitutions explores the history of the treatment of dissenters in time of war, beginning with the treatment of Tories during the Revolution, followed by description and analysis of the Lincoln administration’s treatment of disloyal persons during the Civil War, President Wilson’s organized plan to curb anti-war, anti-draft groups including the Socialist party during World War I, President Roosevelt’s handling of the Japanese internment program and trial of U.S. citizens by military commission during World War II, the cold war campaign against Communists in government and in the entertainment field, the FBI spying program COINTELL and other means to curb draft resisters and anti-war groups during the Viet Nam war followed by a chapter on the post 9-11 treatment of suspected terrorists including surreptitious interception of electronic traffic and trial of U.S. citizens and foreign nationals by military commission. The final chapter concludes that the United States has two constitutions: the written constitution in peacetime and a special unwritten constitution in time of war or national emergency.
This volume brings Jefferson into retirement after his tenure as Secretary of State and returns him to private life at Monticello. He professes his desire to be free of public responsibilities and live the life of a farmer, spending his time tending to his estates. Turning his attention to the improvement of his farms and finances, Jefferson surveys his fields, experiments with crop rotation, and establishes a nailery on Mulberry Row. He embarks upon an ambitious plan to renovate Monticello, a long-term task that will eventually transform his residence. Although Jefferson is distant from Philadelphia, the seat of the federal government, he is not completely divorced from the politics of the day. His friends, especially James Madison, with whom he exchanges almost sixty letters in the period covered by this volume, keep him fully informed about the efforts of Republican county and town meetings, the Virginia General Assembly, Congress, and the press to counter Federalist policies. An emerging Republican opposition is taking shape in response to the Jay Treaty, and Jefferson is keenly interested in its progress. Although in June, 1795, he claims to have "proscribed newspapers" from Monticello, in fact he never entirely cuts himself off from the world. At the end of that year, he takes pains to ensure that he will have two full sets of Benjamin Franklin Bache's Aurora, the influential Republican newspaper, one set to be held in Philadelphia for binding and one to be sent directly to Monticello.
The story of the longest and most complex legal challenge to slavery in American history For over seventy years and five generations, the enslaved families of Prince George’s County, Maryland, filed hundreds of suits for their freedom against a powerful circle of slaveholders, taking their cause all the way to the Supreme Court. Between 1787 and 1861, these lawsuits challenged the legitimacy of slavery in American law and put slavery on trial in the nation’s capital. Piecing together evidence once dismissed in court and buried in the archives, William Thomas tells an intricate and intensely human story of the enslaved families (the Butlers, Queens, Mahoneys, and others), their lawyers (among them a young Francis Scott Key), and the slaveholders who fought to defend slavery, beginning with the Jesuit priests who held some of the largest plantations in the nation and founded a college at Georgetown. A Question of Freedom asks us to reckon with the moral problem of slavery and its legacies in the present day.
Specifically, Morris demonstrates that there was no coherent body of law that dealt solely with slaves. Instead, more general legal rules concerning inheritance, mortgages, and transfers of property coexisted with laws pertaining only to slaves. According to Morris, southern lawmakers and judges struggled to reconcile a social order based on slavery with existing English common law (or, in Louisiana, with continental civil law). Because much was left to local.
Philosopher, diplomat, politician, inventor, writer, architect, even gardener, from a historical perspective Thomas Jefferson emerges as an extraordinary individual. This is the first time an editor has focused principally on his comments regarding his time while serving as minister to France from 1784 to 1789. He was clearly many things to many people, but precisely because of these multifaceted endeavors, he has become so deeply entwined in the tapestry of America's grand democratic experiment that the quest to picture him clearly and objectively in his own life and times remains arguably elusive.The most comprehensive portrait of the American founding fathers can be seen in their personal letters and journal entries. Jefferson is certainly no exception, and those he wrote during his service as American minister to France - through many of the most critical episodes in both French and American history - are of singular importance. The format of the letters has been preserved whenever possible and, collectively, they provide a unique glimpse into the character and thought processes of Jefferson the diplomat.While Thomas Jefferson is responsible for a voluminous body of literature, this is the first time an editor has focused principally on his correspondence while serving as minister to France. The format of the selected letters, as Jefferson wrote them, is preserved whenever possible, and they are presented for the interest of a general readership as well as for students of military, diplomatic, or political history.The addressees are identified, particularly those who have been lost to history, and, where indicated, explanatory notes are provided to assist the reader in placing the correspondence in its particular historical, political, or conceptual context. Readers are encouraged to arrive at their own conclusions as to the intention of a specific piece of correspondence.After serving as a member Virginia House of Burgesses, the Continental Congress, and as governor of Virginia, in 1784, Thomas Jefferson was again called into public service: to France, first as trade commissioner and then as Benjamin Franklin's successor as minister. To be sure, he emerged as an excellent ambassador, for he had the same capacity to combine symbolic and practical representation that made Franklin's stay in France such an important episode in Franco-American relations. In a court almost paralyzed by ceremony and bored with excesses in dress and ornamentation, Jefferson's republican asceticism, his directness and apparent candor, lent him a distinction and significance which no amount of modishness could have gained for him.By design, Dr. Woods has elected to approach Jefferson's time in France from more of a documentary perspective, an interesting journey, to say the least. For whether he is writing to peers such as James Madison, Patrick Henry, and George Washington; to French associates such as the Marquis de Lafayette and Hector St. John de Crevecoeur; or even to his more social acquaintances such as Maria Cosway and Abigail Adams, Jefferson writes with, at times, surprising candor. And whether the subject might be an impassioned argument against Federalism, addressing the detail of international trade agreements, or even commenting on botany and agricultural issues, his words reflect remarkable clarity, insight, and eloquence.As the text presents, in their entirety, the original written correspondence which succeeding generations of historians have repeatedly cited as the basis for their interpretation of events or conclusions of fact, Thomas Jefferson: Diplomatic Correspondence, Paris, 1784-1789moves a step further, emerging as both a comprehensive reference resource and a unique supplement to the existing literature.
I have sometimes asked myself whether my country is the better for my having lived at all?" Jefferson muses in this volume. His answer: "I do not know that it is." Required by custom to be "entirely passive" during the presidential campaign, Jefferson, at Monticello during the summer of 1800, refrains from answering attacks on his character, responds privately to Benjamin Rush's queries about religion, and learns of rumors of his own death. Yet he is in good health, harvests a bountiful wheat crop, and maintains his belief that the American people will shake off the Federalist thrall. He counsels James Monroe, the governor of Virginia, on the mixture of leniency and firmness to be shown in the wake of the aborted revolt of slaves led by the blacksmith Gabriel. Arriving in Washington in November, Jefferson reports that the election "is the only thing of which any thing is said here." He is aware of Alexander Hamilton's efforts to undermine John Adams, and of desires by some Federalists to give interim executive powers to a president pro tem of the Senate. But the Republicans have made no provision to prevent the tie of electoral votes between Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Jefferson calls Burr's conduct "honorable & decisive" before prospects of intrigue arise as the nation awaits the decision of the House of Representatives. As the volume closes, the election is still unresolved after six long days of balloting by the House.
The Masonry Institute of America believes that the best way to extend and improve the use of masonry is through education and dissemination of information. Following a long tradition of such ideals, the 1997 Masonry Codes and Specifications is a ready reference that furnishes, in one document, the various code requirements for masonry from the Uniform Building Code and Standards, the California State Building Code, and the American Society for Testing and Materials (ASTM) Standards that govern the specification of quality and testing of materials. The book includes Guide Specifications for masonry construction set forth in the CSI format with notes to the specifier.
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