This book seeks to demonstrate the role of public policy in support of equitable and inclusive development. The achievement of this overarching goal rests on an assumption that development does not happen by chance or by accident, but rather, through the deliberate application of analytical tools which public policy is able to provide. Set within an Asian context, the book emphasizes the role of public policy in reducing poverty, eliminating deprivation, promoting equity, and ensuring social justice. The book likewise aims to provide an argument for the developmental role of the state — one which has been the subject of a long-standing debate among development scholars. In addition, the book accounts for the role of civil society organizations, particularly their involvement in multi-stakeholder participation. Through different case studies, this book explains the outcome of public policy decisions as combinations of efforts among government and civil society actors, to ensure the creation of the most optimal public good. Finally, the book takes a comparative perspective, i.e., there are cases that directly or indirectly implicate the regional character of public policies that result in the creation and distribution of regional public goods.
This book investigates the theme of global transitions with a cross-regional comparative study of two areas experiencing change over the past three decades: Southeast Asia and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Political transitions in Asia have been the subject of interest in academic and policy-making communities recently as there are encouraging signs of democratization in countries that exhibit elements of authoritarianism. In those countries with relatively open political systems, transitions to democracy have been complete – albeit messy, flawed, and highly contested. In contrast, countries of the MENA region that have been gripped by revolts in recent years find themselves in the midst of chaotic and uncontrollable transitions. Why are there such differences between these regions? What, if anything, can be learned and applied from the transitions in Southeast Asia? These questions are answered here as Asia’s experience is contrasted with the Arab revolts and the struggle of the different countries in the MENA region to fashion a new social contract between states and citizens.
The major objective of this publication is to provide an account and interpretation of the historical development of the region from around 1930 to the end of the century. Within its compass are the "turbulent thirties", including the Cuban Revolution of 1933 and the labour protests in the British Caribbean of 1934; the strategic position occupied by the region during the Second World War; the development of proletarian movements and trade unions and their links with political parties; decolonization; political evolution in the French and Dutch Caribbean, and the "turn to the left" made in the 1970s by a number of Anglophone Caribbean countries, notably Grenada. Also examined are the Castro Revolution and its aftermath to the 1990s; ethnicity and race consciousness and their effects in uniting or dividing communities and nations; international relations and regional co-operation; changes in social and demographic structures (including the role and status of women); education, migration and urbanization; and the beliefs and cultural experiences which underpin Caribbean identity. The final chapter provides an overall survey of changes in the quality of life in the Caribbean during the twentieth century.
Combining intellectual and social history, Teresita Martinez-Vergne explores the processes by which people in the Dominican Republic began to hammer out a common sense of purpose and a modern national identity at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries. Hoping to build a nation of hardworking, peaceful, voting citizens, the Dominican intelligentsia impressed on the rest of society a discourse of modernity based on secular education, private property, modern agricultural techniques, and an open political process. Black immigrants, bourgeois women, and working-class men and women in the capital city of Santo Domingo and in the booming sugar town of San Pedro de Macoris, however, formed their own surprisingly modern notions of citizenship in daily interactions with city officials. Martinez-Vergne shows just how difficult it was to reconcile the lived realities of people of color, women, and the working poor with elite notions of citizenship, entitlement, and identity. She concludes that the urban setting, rather than defusing the impact of race, class, and gender within a collective sense of belonging, as intellectuals had envisioned, instead contributed to keeping these distinctions intact, thus limiting what could be considered Dominican.
Tagalog is an Austronesian language. It is the language of Manila and the surrounding provinces of Bataan, Bulacan, Rizal, Cavite Laguna, Quezon, Batangas, and Marinduque. It is also spoken widely throughout the Philippines as a second language, with an estimated sixty percent of the population now being able to communicate in this language. Tagalog is the basis of the Philippine national language, Pilipino, and as such is taught in schools throughout the country. In addition to the lessons in this text, there are extensive notes to the teacher, supplementary vocabulary lists, pronunciation drills, and songs.
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