For much of the twentieth century improvement in the situation of disadvantaged communities was a focus for urban planning and policy. Yet over the past three decades the ideological triumph of neoliberalism has caused the allocation of spatial, political, economic, and financial resources to favor economic growth at the expense of wider social benefits. Susan Fainstein's concept of the "just city" encourages planners and policymakers to embrace a different approach to urban development. Her objective is to combine progressive city planners' earlier focus on equity and material well-being with considerations of diversity and participation so as to foster a better quality of urban life within the context of a global capitalist political economy. Fainstein applies theoretical concepts about justice developed by contemporary philosophers to the concrete problems faced by urban planners and policymakers and argues that, despite structural obstacles, meaningful reform can be achieved at the local level. In the first half of The Just City, Fainstein draws on the work of John Rawls, Martha Nussbaum, Iris Marion Young, Nancy Fraser, and others to develop an approach to justice relevant to twenty-first-century cities, one that incorporates three central concepts: diversity, democracy, and equity. In the book's second half, Fainstein tests her ideas through case studies of New York, London, and Amsterdam by evaluating their postwar programs for housing and development in relation to the three norms. She concludes by identifying a set of specific criteria for urban planners and policymakers to consider when developing programs to assure greater justice in both the process of their formulation and their effects.
The City Builders is a compelling examination of the forces that created the property boom of the eighties and the bust of the nineties. The book investigates the mentalities of the real-estate developers, financial institutions, and public officials who first poured enormous resources into physical redevelopment then suddenly saw the market collapse. Focusing on London and New York, the author analyzes two cities which staked their hopes for economic prosperity on property-led development. The study proceeds through a discussion of real-estate markets and the strategies of different actors within them. It then chronicles six cases of redevelopment in detail telling the story of Olympia and York, which triumphed in constructing New York's World Financial Center and then plummeted into bankruptcy at Canary Warf in London. Professor Fainstein concludes by entering the debate concerning the impacts of "theme park" development on the urban fabric, and recommends a set of realistic strategies for simultaneously redeveloping cities and improving the lives of their residents.
For much of the twentieth century improvement in the situation of disadvantaged communities was a focus for urban planning and policy. Yet over the past three decades the ideological triumph of neoliberalism has caused the allocation of spatial, political, economic, and financial resources to favor economic growth at the expense of wider social benefits. Susan Fainstein's concept of the "just city" encourages planners and policymakers to embrace a different approach to urban development. Her objective is to combine progressive city planners' earlier focus on equity and material well-being with considerations of diversity and participation so as to foster a better quality of urban life within the context of a global capitalist political economy. Fainstein applies theoretical concepts about justice developed by contemporary philosophers to the concrete problems faced by urban planners and policymakers and argues that, despite structural obstacles, meaningful reform can be achieved at the local level. In the first half of The Just City, Fainstein draws on the work of John Rawls, Martha Nussbaum, Iris Marion Young, Nancy Fraser, and others to develop an approach to justice relevant to twenty-first-century cities, one that incorporates three central concepts: diversity, democracy, and equity. In the book's second half, Fainstein tests her ideas through case studies of New York, London, and Amsterdam by evaluating their postwar programs for housing and development in relation to the three norms. She concludes by identifying a set of specific criteria for urban planners and policymakers to consider when developing programs to assure greater justice in both the process of their formulation and their effects.
Bennett explores the relationship between theatre and museums, looking particularly at the collaborative processes that intertwine these two cultural practices. She argues that discourses of performance studies can open up new avenues of inquiry about the production and reception of the museum experience and its place in contemporary culture.
In a pathbreaking study based on four case studies--Cleveland, Tacoma, Syracuse, and Jacksonville--authors Susan E. Clarke and Gary L. Gaile show how cities play a vital role in empowering citizens to adapt and serve as catalysts for a global economy. THE WORK OF CITIES is essential reading for anyone who cares about our metropolitan communities.
Young and Homeless in Hollywood examines the social and spacial dynamics that contributed to the construction of a new social imaginary--"homeless youth"--in the United States during a period of accelerated modernization from the mid 1970s to the 1990s. Susan Ruddick draws from a range of theoretical frameworks and empirical treatments that deal with the relationship between placemaking and the politics of social identity.
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