A research psychologist and a minister team up to share an angel's messages about life and death, religion, the afterlife, extraterrestrials, and much more.
A research psychologist and a minister team up to share an angel's messages about life and death, religion, the afterlife, extraterrestrials, and much more.
In a dynamic two-year interview an angel answers your most compelling questions. When psychologist Linda Sue Nathanson consulted holistic practitioner Stevan J. Thayer, she was seeking help for a chronic illness. What she received was a gift so unexpected it changed her deepest beliefs about life . . . and death. Along with the healing she sought, Linda met an angel named Ariel who, channeled through Steven, allowed her to ask questions that touch us all. Do Heaven and Hell Exist? What is the most powerful prayar? What is the real meaning of angel encounters? Based on audiotapes of those astounding sessions, this book brings us Ariel’s teachings and stunning revelations about finding love and our soul mate . . . about our karma and a divine plan . . . about the afterlife, the biblical Eden, Jesus Christ, and even startling information about aliens. Miraculously, Interview with an Angel directly conveys a message from a spirit guide—words of comfort and guidance, and answers to the questions we most want to know. “A timely, exciting look at angels in our lives.”—Rabbi Joseph H. Gelberman, Ph.D., president, The New Seminary, NYC
Normally in the literary world, when you write and publish your original autobiography, “I Was Compost When Compost Wasn’t Cool,” now some ten years ago, you put a substantial period on what I and many readers thought was a very interesting and successful life. What else could there be, what else could transpire in just ten short years that would be worthy to share? Fortunately for my very valuable readers, my wife and I have gone through another life time of experiences packed into those very hectic ten years which I hope you will find interesting, but also emotional, irredeemable, despicable, and downright felonious in many aspects. It still involves my first loves of farming, composting, machinery and all the life-long learning connected to that. I mean for me, what else is there in life. It still reverts back to my parental upbringing and all of my previous mentioned mentors that was my privilege and pleasure to work with in my life up to this point. Many aspects and stories about those folks will be highlighted that were missed in my first book. It also has a lot to do with my wife Debbie and our life together. It’s absolutely amazing how much a person can endure and the pain and heartbreak both physically and mentally will be described the best I know how. This book will also describe again, to the best of my ability the unimaginable amount of greed, ruthlessness, trickery, conniving, fraud, extravagant spending and incredible amount of elder abuse on the part of certain family members on their own parents and siblings. It is just amazing what money, greed and power can do to a family and that will be detailed finally in this book. Yes, only ten years since the original auto-biography was written, but what a ride. Hard for me or anyone else to believe, but my wife and I lived through all of it for a very unexpected and tragic ending. I am the first one to realize that no one is guaranteed anything in life, regardless, it should have been a wonderful life, we tried to do everything I thought to make it so, but unfortunately it turned out to be anything but wonderful for us.
As anthropologists, we offer this book about aging in a wide variety of human societies in the hope of its making three contributions. First, this book will help to remedy a massive neglect of old age by the discipline of anthropology. The pioneering work of Leo Simmons (1945) has remained a lonely monument since the 1940's, for despite recent interest in the subject of aging in modern Western societies on the part of social gerontologists and sociologists, little has been done by anthropologists on aging in non-Western societies. Where it has been treated at all, it has been in the form either of a few final paragraphs in the discussion of the life cycle or of a simple ethnographic fact among other facts about a certain social system. What has been missing has been any attempt to put aging in a cross-cultural or comparative perspective, to give this vital subject the same treatment that has been accorded marriage, for example, or death or inheritance or sex roles. Second, this book will bring a needed cross-cultural perspective to the study of social gerontology. The recent explosion of interest in this field has been largely confined to the study of aging in North America and Europe. But we anthropologists feel that such a culturally limited study, though interesting and productive in its own right, is dangerously narrow if it does not consider what aging is like in other societies. What aspects of aging, for example, are human universals and have to be planned for as inevitable, and what aspects are cultural particulars and can be avoided, modified, or strengthened under certain social conditions? By presenting both a biological account of the universals of human aging (Weiss), and specific ethnographic accounts of aging in a wide variety of societies, we believe we can help to put North American aging into perspective Third, we hope this book will serve as an illustration of a particular anthropological approach to unity and diversity in human societies and cultures. Perhaps the main task of sociocultural anthropology is a twofold one: the explanation of cross-cultural universals, somehow rooted either in the biological nature of the human species or in universal imperatives of social organization, and the explanation of intercultural variations, rooted in a dialectical interaction between culture and the material conditions (partially created by culture) in which it exists. If unity and diversity can indeed be explained in this way, the cross-cultural study of aging can serve as a paradigm. By first setting out what seem to be the universals determined by the biology of the human species, and by then exploring the range of variation in cultural solutions, we ought to be able to formulate a set of principles that will allow us to explain why variations occur in a certain way. Nine ethnographic case studies are enough, we believe, to enable us to formulate some preliminary hypotheses about the nature and causes of variation in the social process of aging.
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