Organizations Evolving offers a unique theoretical framework for understanding organizational emergence, persistence, change and decline. This updated and revised third edition presents an evolutionary view that provides a unified understanding of modern organizations and organization theory.
Designed to help instructors prepare exams, the newly revised and updated test bank is designed to conform to Bloom's taxonomy. In addition, each question is tagged with metadata that places it in the context of the chapter, as well as difficulty level, making it easy to construct tests that are meaningful and diagnostic."--book cover.
Organizations Evolving offers a unique theoretical framework for understanding organizational emergence, persistence, change and decline. This updated and revised third edition presents an evolutionary view that provides a unified understanding of modern organizations and organization theory.
This comprehensive bibliography and research guide details all the works currently available on Vincenzo Bellini, the Italian opera composer best known for his work Norma, which is still regularly performed today at Covent Garden and by regional opera companies. 2001, the bicentennial anniversary of Bellini's death, saw several concerts and recordings of his work, raising his academic profile. This volume aims to meet the research needs of all students of Bellini in particular.
The story behind the 1940s Commission on Freedom of the Press--groundbreaking then, timelier than ever now "Bates skillfully blends biography and intellectual history to provide a sense of how the clash of ideas and the clash of personalities intersected."--Scott Stossel, American Scholar "A well-constructed, timely study, clearly relevant to current debates."--Kirkus, starred review In 1943, Time Inc. editor-in-chief Henry R. Luce sponsored the greatest collaboration of intellectuals in the twentieth century. He and University of Chicago president Robert Maynard Hutchins summoned the theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, the Pulitzer-winning poet Archibald MacLeish, and ten other preeminent thinkers to join the Commission on Freedom of the Press. They spent three years wrestling with subjects that are as pertinent as ever: partisan media and distorted news, activists who silence rather than rebut their opponents, conspiracy theories spread by shadowy groups, and the survivability of American democracy in a post-truth age. The report that emerged, A Free and Responsible Press, is a classic, but many of the commission's sharpest insights never made it into print. Journalist and First Amendment scholar Stephen Bates reveals how these towering intellects debated some of the most vital questions of their time--and reached conclusions urgently relevant today.
From the 1798 Sedition Act to the war on terror, numerous presidents, members of Congress, Supreme Court justices, and local officials have endorsed the silencing of free expression. If the connection between democracy and the freedom of speech is such a vital one, why would so many governmental leaders seek to quiet their citizens? Free Expression and Democracy in America traces two rival traditions in American culture—suppression of speech and dissent as a form of speech—to provide an unparalleled overview of the law, history, and politics of individual rights in the United States. Charting the course of free expression alongside the nation’s political evolution, from the birth of the Constitution to the quagmire of the Vietnam War, Stephen M. Feldman argues that our level of freedom is determined not only by the Supreme Court, but also by cultural, social, and economic forces. Along the way, he pinpoints the struggles of excluded groups—women, African Americans, and laborers—to participate in democratic government as pivotal to the development of free expression. In an age when our freedom of speech is once again at risk, this momentous book will be essential reading for legal historians, political scientists, and history buffs alike.
Countless books have been written on the military history of World War II, however astonishingly little information has appeared about the one country that stared the Nazis down and refused to become an accomplice to the horrors of the Third Reich. This book provides an objective, year-by-year account of Switzerland's military role in World War II, including her defensive strategies, details of Nazi invasion plans, and Switzerland's moral, material and humanitarian links to the Allies. Swiss neutrality in World War II has been criticized in recent years, but the country was entirely surrounded by Axis powers and managed, as revealed here, to render considerable assistance to the Allies.
“Fake news,” “alternative facts,” and daily attacks on the media from the Trump White House are redefining the media’s role for a new generation. Mainstream media has traditionally allowed journalists two roles. In order to remain ethical, they must either be neutral observers reporting the facts or signal that they are biased interpreters espousing a partisan agenda. In this provocative new work, leading global media ethicist Stephen Ward suggests that journalism needs to embrace a third path and begin practicing a new kind of journalism: democratically engaged journalism. It is only by breaking free of dualistic ethical practices that the world’s media will be able to address ‘Trumpism’—a heady mix of populism, authoritarian leadership, narrow patriotism, and moral tribalism (Us versus Them). Weaving in rich examples from daily journalism, this timely book will address practical questions such as how to cover a constant torrent of presidential “tweets,” how fact-checking plays a part in democratically engaged media, and how journalists should respond to the pressure to be patriotic in their coverage of global issues such as immigration and the impact of Trump’s “America First” foreign policy. At issue is the need to construct a new journalism ethics for today’s social context. We need a new approach to journalism ethics not only to report on the Trump presidency but also for reporting in a digital, global world.
A Foreign Affairs Best Book of the Year “Even in these dismal times genuinely important books do occasionally make their appearance...You really ought to read it...A tour de force...While Wertheim is not the first to expose isolationism as a carefully constructed myth, he does so with devastating effect.” —Andrew J. Bacevich, The Nation For most of its history, the United States avoided making political and military commitments that would entangle it in power politics. Then, suddenly, it conceived a new role for itself as an armed superpower—and never looked back. In Tomorrow, the World, Stephen Wertheim traces America’s transformation to World War II, right before the attack on Pearl Harbor. As late as 1940, the small coterie formulating U.S. foreign policy wanted British preeminence to continue. Axis conquests swept away their assumptions, leading them to conclude that America should extend its form of law and order across the globe, and back it at gunpoint. No one really favored “isolationism”—a term introduced by advocates of armed supremacy to burnish their cause. We live, Wertheim warns, in the world these men created. A sophisticated and impassioned account that questions the wisdom of U.S. supremacy, Tomorrow, the World reveals the intellectual path that brought us to today’s endless wars. “Its implications are invigorating...Wertheim opens space for Americans to reexamine their own history and ask themselves whether primacy has ever really met their interests.” —New Republic “For almost 80 years now, historians and diplomats have sought not only to describe America’s swift advance to global primacy but also to explain it...Any writer wanting to make a novel contribution either has to have evidence for a new interpretation, or at least be making an older argument in some improved and eye-catching way. Tomorrow, the World does both.” —Paul Kennedy, Wall Street Journal
The texts in this volume represent earlier contributions to the ongoing conversation about the meaning of "the freedom of speech, and of the press," collected and selected to help the reader situate and understand what has gone on before and to advance the contemporary argument in a more informed way."--Introduction, page v.
In Australia, as in many comparable democracies, the role of the media in the political process is high on the public agenda. There is a perception of widespread disillusionment with and disengagement from politics amongst voters, and criticism of the media for failing to fulfil their democratic responsibilities adequately. This book evaluates public perceptions of the performance of the political media in the context of the declared aims and objectives of media producers. From there the authors present findings for improving the capacity of political media to engage and inform their audiences in ways which enhance the quality and popular legitimacy of the democratic process. These conclusions are of import not only to Australians, but to observers of mediated politics in the UK, the US and other countries where similar debates around the ‘crisis of public communication’ are on-going.
The second Red Scare was a charade orchestrated by a tyrant with the express goal of undermining the New Deal—so argues Stephen M. Underhill in this hard-hitting analysis of J. Edgar Hoover’s rhetorical agency. Drawing on Classification 94, a vast trove of recently declassified records that documents the longtime FBI director’s domestic propaganda campaigns in the mid-twentieth century, Underhill shows that Hoover used the growing power of his office to subvert the presidencies of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman and redirect the trajectory of U.S. culture away from social democracy toward a toxic brand of neoliberalism. He did so with help from Republicans who opposed organized labor and Southern Democrats who supported Jim Crow in what is arguably the most culturally significant documented political conspiracy in U.S. history, a wholesale domestic propaganda program that brainwashed Americans and remade their politics. Hoover also forged ties with the powerful fascist leaders of the period to promote his own political ambitions. All the while, as a love letter to Clyde Tolson still preserved in Hoover’s papers attests, he strove to pass for straight while promoting a culture that demonized same-sex love. The erosion of democratic traditions Hoover fostered continues to haunt Americans today.
Dream or Nightmare is a book of left wing strategy like no other: It proposes that, to compete with the right, progressives cannot depend on reason and hard fact. They must also deploy drama in the battle of ideas. Donald Trump’s presidency has shown how this is done, albeit to ends that are deplorable. Abandoning logic and truth, the Fabulist in Chief conjures up spectacle to energize his base. Troops are dispatched to counter a fictional threat from convoys of helpless refugees. A powerful Supreme Court nominee is reduced to tears by accusations from a woman who has been sexually assaulted. Open fascists are described as “good people,” physical attacks on journalists are lauded in front of cheering crowds. If they are to engage with this Barnum-like politics, leftists must learn how to communicate in today’s “vernacular of the spectacular,” invoking symbol and emotion themselves, as well as truth. Matching the right in this fashion does not mean adopting its values. Rather Duncombe sets out what he calls a politics of “ethical spectacle.” Of extraordinary relevance to the dark carnival of contemporary politics, this new edition of the book formerly known as Dream sets out an electrifying new vision of progressive politics that is both persuasive and provocative. Stephen Duncombe is Professor of Media and Culture at New York University and author and editor of six books on the intersection of culture and politics. Duncombe, a life-long political activist, co-founded a community-based advocacy group in the Lower East Side of Manhattan which won an award for “Creative Activism” from the Abbie Hoffman Foundation, and is currently co-director of the Center for Artistic Activism, a research and training organization that helps activists create more like artists and artists strategize more like activists.
This is a delightful book, a small gem replete with insightful, provocative pieces about both American culture and Jewish life. I think that Stephen Whitfield is one of the most original essayists on these two topics. Few other scholars combine the density of his knowledge with the verve of his prose". -- Hasia R. Diner, New York University
How are alliances made? In this book, Stephen M. Walt makes a significant contribution to this topic, surveying theories of the origins of international alliances and identifying the most important causes of security cooperation between states. In addition, he proposes a fundamental change in the present conceptions of alliance systems. Contrary to traditional balance-of-power theories, Walt shows that states form alliances not simply to balance power but in order to balance threats. Walt begins by outlining five general hypotheses about the causes of alliances. Drawing upon diplomatic history and a detailed study of alliance formation in the Middle East between 1955 and 1979, he demonstrates that states are more likely to join together against threats than they are to ally themselves with threatening powers. Walt also examines the impact of ideology on alliance preferences and the role of foreign aid and transnational penetration. His analysis show, however, that these motives for alignment are relatively less important. In his conclusion, he examines the implications of "balance of threat" for U.S. foreign policy.
Every believer in Messiah Jesus Christ, indeed all his followers deserve to walk in the fullness of His truth. My primary purpose of writing this book ‘Babel of Lies” was to awaken every Christian who reads this book to the truth of his calling. This book will not only journey with you to unveil the influence the lies in the church but also guide the reader with divine wisdom on discerning and escaping these lies and also living above the dominion of Satan’s lies. 1. Jesus speaking to Pharisees, the religious leaders of his days, emphasized on the devils cunning ability to tell a lie so well because it stems from his inbuilt nature. We all need to ask ourselves, how many lies has the enemy deposited in our memory bank? Chances are these lies have become the new truth we believe in. Jesus speaking to the religious leaders said; “You are of your father the devil and your will is to do your fathers desires. He was a murderer from the beginning and has nothing to do with the truth because there is no truth in him. When he lies, he talks from his own character, for he is a liar and father of lies. (John.8:44) A lie is the expression of Satan’s nature. In the garden of Aden, he twisted the mind of Adam so so well that when he posed the question to Adam; did God say?? And followed it up with a bold lie, DIE? You shall not surely die! In other words, the all mighty is the one who is a liar and He is falsely threatening you with death By the time the devil was done with Adam, reality and truth in Adams mind had taken a paradigm shift to fantasy and deception. THE 4 PRINCIPLES OF LIES 1 Every lie a person believes in is associated with a corresponding fear projected into the mindset. 2 The lies a person believes in makes the devil larger in their lives than he is. 3 Every lie we believe in give the devil a foothold in the lives of the people lied to. 4 Through deception, the lies one believes becomes their standard of what is true. You will never know the truth until the truth becomes your life and your life becomes His. The truth requires absolute total surrender to the Son of the living Yahweh. It is an exchange of life in the most intimate way and also in a covenant setting. Jesus describes this intimacy in John.14:20 as “you in me and I in you as I am in my Father. In other words; you Jesus and our Father in heaven become “Eshad” or “one”. At that point you are the truth and the truth is you. THE BABEL OF LIES will take you step by step in unveiling the lies that have influenced the church history so that you can make a conscious choice of becoming the truth in Him who is the truth.
Even fifteen years after the end of the Cold War, it is still hard to grasp that we no longer live under its immense specter. For nearly half a century, from the end of World War II to the early 1990s, all world events hung in the balance of a simmering dispute between two of the greatest military powers in history. Hundreds of millions of people held their collective breath as the United States and the Soviet Union, two national ideological entities, waged proxy wars to determine spheres of influence–and millions of others perished in places like Korea, Vietnam, and Angola, where this cold war flared hot. Such a consideration of the Cold War–as a military event with sociopolitical and economic overtones–is the crux of this stellar collection of twenty-six essays compiled and edited by Robert Cowley, the longtime editor of MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History. Befitting such a complex and far-ranging period, the volume’s contributing writers cover myriad angles. John Prados, in “The War Scare of 1983,” shows just how close we were to escalating a war of words into a nuclear holocaust. Victor Davis Hanson offers “The Right Man,” his pungent reassessment of the bellicose air-power zealot Curtis LeMay as a man whose words were judged more critically than his actions. The secret war also gets its due in George Feiffer’s “The Berlin Tunnel,” which details the charismatic C.I.A. operative “Big Bill” Harvey’s effort to tunnel under East Berlin and tap Soviet phone lines–and the Soviets’ equally audacious reaction to the plan; while “The Truth About Overflights,” by R. Cargill Hall, sheds light on some of the Cold War’s best-kept secrets. The often overlooked human cost of fighting the Cold War finds a clear voice in “MIA” by Marilyn Elkins, the widow of a Navy airman, who details the struggle to learn the truth about her husband, Lt. Frank C. Elkins, whose A-4 Skyhawk disappeared over Vietnam in 1966. In addition there are profiles of the war’s “front lines”–Dien Bien Phu, the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Bay of Pigs–as well as of prominent military and civil leaders from both sides, including Harry S. Truman, Nikita Khrushchev, Dean Acheson, Gen. Douglas MacArthur, Richard M. Nixon, Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap, and others. Encompassing so many perspectives and events, The Cold War succeeds at an impossible task: illuminating and explaining the history of an undeclared shadow war that threatened the very existence of humankind.
In this magisterial examination of the Presidency over the course of the 20th Century, the author explores the history of the world's greatest elective office and the role each incumbent has played in changing the scope of its powers. Using individual presidential portraits of each of the presidents of the past century Graubard asks, and answers, a wide variety of crucial questions about each President. What intellectual, social and political assets did they bring to the White House, and how quickly did they deplete or mortgage that capital? How well did they cope with crises, foreign and domestic? How much attention did they pay to their election pledges after they were elected? How did they use the media, old and new? Above all, how did they conduct themselves in office and what legacy did they leave to their successors? Graubard provides original analysis in each case, and reaches many surprising conclusions.
Projecting Race presents a history of educational documentary filmmaking in the postwar era in light of race relations and the fight for civil rights. Drawing on extensive archival research and textual analyses, the volume tracks the evolution of race-based, nontheatrical cinema from its neorealist roots to its incorporation of new documentary techniques intent on recording reality in real time. The films featured include classic documentaries, such as Sidney Meyers's The Quiet One (1948), and a range of familiar and less familiar state-sponsored educational documentaries from George Stoney (Palmour Street, 1950; All My Babies, 1953; and The Man in the Middle, 1966) and the Drew Associates (Another Way, 1967). Final chapters highlight community-development films jointly produced by the National Film Board of Canada and the Office of Economic Opportunity (The Farmersville Project, 1968; The Hartford Project, 1969) in rural and industrial settings. Featuring testimonies from farm workers, activists, and government officials, the films reflect communities in crisis, where organized and politically active racial minorities upended the status quo. Ultimately, this work traces the postwar contours of a liberal racial outlook as government agencies came to grips with profound and inescapable social change.
Internet technology has arguably changed the rules by which individuals, social movements, and institutions compete for political and cultural influence in technologically advanced societies. The author considers this reality through reference to the concept of hegemony; looking to the ways in which diverse actors in American civil society compete with one another while simultaneously challenging dominant sources of authority. The Arab/Israeli conflict is drawn upon as a boundary object holding direct interest to a wide range of state-aligned lobbies, broadly-based social movements, and marginalized 'extremist' groups, each of which hopes to affect the course of U.S. Mid-East policy. While various dimensions of internet use and activism are explored, Stephen Marmura directs particular attention to the importance and limitations of the World Wide Web as a mass medium. Examining phenomena ranging from mainstream news dissemination to the propaganda warfare visible online amongst racist, religious fundamentalist, and ultra-nationalist organizations, he argues the Net's greatest advantages are ultimately accrued by those most vested in the political status quo. Marmura argues further that widespread use of the Web is likely contributing to processes of social fragmentation, even as it reinforces ideological discourses favorable to state power.
In Act of Creation , Stephen C. Schlesinger tells a pivotal and little-known story of how Secretary of State Edward Stettinius and the new American President, Harry Truman, picked up the pieces of the faltering campaign initiated by Franklin Roosevelt to create a "United Nations." Using secret agents, financial resources, and their unrivaled position of power, they overcame the intrigues of Stalin, the reservations of wartime allies like Winston Churchill, the discontent of smaller states, and a skeptical press corps to found the United Nations. The author reveals how the UN nearly collapsed several times during the conference over questions of which states should have power, who should be admitted, and how authority should be divided among its branches. By shedding new light on leading participants like John Foster Dulles, John F. Kennedy, Adlai Stevenson, Nelson Rockefeller, and E. B White, Act of Creation provides a fascinating tale of twentieth-century history not to be missed.
Global climate change policy has failed us all, but what is the reasoning that underlies this failure? Why are some people more disposed to reflect on confounding issues like climate change, recognise the danger, seek a solution, and act accordingly, more than others? This book is concerned with how we think and act in response to climate change. In particular, faced with deep uncertainty and the multifaceted complexities that characterise the climate change conundrum, how the various actors and institutions involved in the policymaking process make decisions that both aid and impede in the design and implementation of climate change policy. This book focuses on how these actors and institutions frame and use the knowledge available – under conditions of competing ideologies and interests – and synthesise it to form often-disparate mental models, or worldviews, that inspire them to become firm advocates of meaningful climate change action or indeed, sceptics that continue to downplay the threat, and hence the need for urgency. By exploring how we think about climate change and the disparate mental models we hold as a result, this book explores why humankind has thus far failed in its endeavours to solve the climate change problem. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of climate change, environmental policy and environmental psychology.
The Eleventh Edition is organized around: (1) elements of the basic communication model—communicator, message, medium, and “beyond” human communication; and (2) communication contexts—relationship, group, organization, health, culture, and society. A new chapter discusses four frameworks by which theories can be organized; students can see how theories contribute to and are impacted by larger issues about the nature of inquiry. To provide comprehensive, up-to-date coverage of theories, the authors surveyed articles in communication journals published over the last five years. Each chapter covers an average of 13 theories, half of which are new to this edition. New areas covered include health, social media, and “beyond human communication”—communication between humans and nature, humans and objects, humans and technology, humans and the divine. “From the Source” boxes give students a look at the theorists behind the theories—their inspirations, motivations, and goals. Written in an accessible style, the book is ideal for upper-division undergraduate classes and as a comprehensive summary of major theories for the graduate level.
A masterful account of how sixty years of American militarism created the Cold War, fanned decades of conflict, helped fuel Islamist terror, and now threatens to bankrupt the nation. For most of the twentieth century, the sword has led before the olive branch in American foreign policy, and the United States can no longer afford the dangers provoked. With a struggling economy biting at heels and international affairs in a precarious state of unprecedented scope, American citizens have to wonder; what’s happened? State vs. Defense characterizes figures who crafted American foreign policy, from George Marshall to Robert McNamara to Henry Kissinger to Don Rumsfeld with this underlying theme: America has become increasingly imperial and militaristic. In the tradition of classics such as The Wise Men, and The Best and the Brightest, State vs. Defense explores how and why American leaders succumbed to the sirens of militarism, how the republic has been lost to an empire, and how the military-industrial complex that Eisenhower so famously forewarned has set us on a stark path of financial peril.
In Nixon: Ruin and Recovery, 1973-1990, Stephen E. Ambrose completes his acclaimed biography of the man many historians call the most fascinating politician in American history: Richard Milhous Nixon. Rarely before on the stage of global politics has one man, respected and reviled, blessed and cursed, held us in such rapt attention. Using Nixon’s own words, private writings, and tape-recorded conversations, Ambrose captures the man and all his contradictions as he faces the ordeal of Watergate and its aftermath, the long road back to public life. Watergate is a drama with high stakes and low skullduggery, of lies and bribes, of greed and lust for power. At its center is the obsession of the country and much of the world with President Richard Nixon himself. It is a remarkable play of foolhardy heroism as Nixon risked everything trying to maintain dignity and his job, when he alone had the power to determine the outcome of the scandal, whether by resigning, confessing, destroying evidence or defying the courts and Congress. Ambrose explains how Nixon destroyed himself through a combination of arrogance and indecision, allowing a "third-rate burglary" to escalate into a scandal that overwhelmed his presidency. Yet even after his self-exile from Washington and the Republican Party, even after the national outcry that sealed his shame, Nixon would not go gentle into oblivion. Ambrose provides an unforgettable portrait of the older Nixon in San Clemente, drawing on his seemingly endless reserves of determination, laying the groundwork for yet another comeback, a return to the arena that would defy all odds. Ambrose illuminates all the hidden years, and we see Nixon’s gradual transformation from pariah to valued elder statesmen, respected internationally and at home even by those who had earlier clamored loudest for his head. This is the story of Nixon's final fall from grace and astonishing recovery.
The Committee on Public Information, the major American propaganda agency during World War I, attracted a wide range of reform-oriented men and women who tried to generate enthusiasm for Wilson's international and domestic ideals. Vaughn shows that the CPI encouraged an imperial presidency, urged limits on free speech and called for an almost mystical attachment to the nation, but it also tried to present dispassionately the causes of American intervention in the war. Originally published in 1980. A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.
Alexander Hamilton and the Persistence of Myth explores the shifting reputation of our most controversial founding father. Since the day Aaron Burr fired his fatal shot, Americans have tried to come to grips with Alexander Hamilton's legacy. Stephen Knott surveys the Hamilton image in the minds of American statesmen, scholars, literary figures, and the media, explaining why Americans are content to live in a Hamiltonian nation but reluctant to embrace the man himself. Knott observes that Thomas Jefferson and his followers, and, later, Andrew Jackson and his adherents, tended to view Hamilton and his principles as "un-American." While his policies generated mistrust in the South and the West, where he is still seen as the founding "plutocrat," Hamilton was revered in New England and parts of the Mid-Atlantic states. Hamilton's image as a champion of American nationalism caused his reputation to soar during the Civil War, at least in the North. However, in the wake of Gilded Age excesses, progressive and populist political leaders branded Hamilton as the patron saint of Wall Street, and his reputation began to disintegrate. Hamilton's status reached its nadir during the New Deal, Knott argues, when Franklin Roosevelt portrayed him as the personification of Dickensian cold-heartedness. When FDR erected the beautiful Tidal Basin monument to Thomas Jefferson and thereby elevated the Sage of Monticello into the American Pantheon, Hamilton, as Jefferson's nemesis, fell into disrepute. He came to epitomize the forces of reaction contemptuous of the "great beast"-the American people. In showing how the prevailing negative assessment misrepresents the man and his deeds, Knott argues for reconsideration of Hamiltonianism, which rightly understood has much to offer the American polity of the twenty-first century. Remarkably, at the dawn of the new millennium, the nation began to see Hamilton in a different light. Hamilton's story was now the embodiment of the American dream-an impoverished immigrant who came to the United States and laid the economic and political foundation that paved the way for America's superpower status. Here in Stephen Knott's insightful study, Hamilton finally gets his due as a highly contested but powerful and positive presence in American national life.
Let us imagine that somewhere in present day South America a nation exists as the United States was constituted in 1789. George Washington is its president and Thomas Jefferson its secretary of state. It is a nation that allows only white males to vote, and its president, cabinet officials, and many of its citizens own slaves. If the America of 1789 existed right now, what would we think of it? Would it be right to invade it in order to liberate its people? Would we consider a complete embargo of it, until it changed its ways? Would it be a pariah among nations? Or would we recognize and cooperate with it, declaring its president and secretary of state political geniuses? Maybe we would just do nothing and trust that in 100 or so years it will straighten itself out? What would be the correct way to think of such a nation and its leaders? Three hundred years ago, if a woman was raped and became pregnant we’d kill the rapist and spare the baby. Today, we spare the rapist and kill the baby. One hundred years ago only heterosexual marriages were legal. Today political leaders around the world are celebrating gay relationships. How and why does our moral outlook change in such matters? By the time you are done reading this book, you will have concrete answers to these questions and many more. “This is a learned, thoroughly researched study - and dazzlingly bright. The effervescent approach to writing makes its pages fly by ... Studies as brilliant as this one deserve a far wider audience. An engrossing and mind-expanding examination of morality” ~Kirkus Reviews
What practical lessons can we learn from corporate theme parks, ad campaigns, video games, celebrity culture and Las Vegas? Can such examples of popular fantasy help us define and make possible a new political future? This is the case for a progressive political strategy that embraces a new set of tools. Although fantasy and spectacle have become the lingua franca of our time, Duncombe points out that liberals continue to depend upon sober reason to guide them. Instead, they need to learn how to communicate in today's spectacular vernacular.
On the Limits of the Law is Stephen Halpern's compelling examination of the legal struggle to control the enforcement of Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act -- the historic provision prohibiting racial discrimination in programs receiving federal financial assistance. Although the provision appeared to have immense power to fight racial inequality in education,Halpern argues, attacking the problem through legal rights and litigation distorted our understanding of educational inequality based on race and limited the remedies used to address it. "Stephen Halpern has made a substantial and original contribution to the analysis of law and civil rights. Concentrating on original or primary sources and including very informative interviews, he offers a superb review of the historical and political context of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the United States Supreme Court's desegregation decisions. All who are interested in civil rights history and enforcement, the administrative process, and the role of courts in pursuing racial and social justice will want to read this book." -- Kenneth Tollett, Howard University
Stephen C. Meyer details the intricate relationships between the operas Der FreischÃ1⁄4tz and Euryanthe, and contemporary discourse on both the "Germany of the imagination" and the new nation itself. In so doing, he presents excerpts from a wide range of philosophical, political, and musical writings, many of which are little known and otherwise unavailable in English. Individual chapters trace the multidimensional concept of German and "foreign" opera through the 19th century. Meyer's study of Der FreischÃ1⁄4tz places the work within the context of emerging German nationalism, and a chapter on Euryanthe addresses the opera's stylistic and topical shifts in light of changing cultural and aesthetic circumstances. As a result, Meyer argues that the search for a new German opera was not merely an aesthetic movement, but a political and social critique as well.
Does objectivity exist in the news media? In The Invention of Journalism Ethics, Stephen Ward argues that given the current emphasis on interpretation, analysis, and perspective, journalists and the public need a new theory of objectivity. He explores the varied ethical assertions of journalists over the past few centuries, focusing on the changing relationship between journalist and audience. This historical analysis leads to an innovative theory of pragmatic objectivity that enables journalists and the public to recognize and avoid biased and unbalanced reporting. Ward convincingly demonstrates that journalistic objectivity is not a set of absolute standards but the same fallible but reasonable objectivity used for making decisions in other professions and public institutions. Considered a classic in the field since its first publication in 2004, this second edition includes new chapters that bring the book up to speed with journalism ethics in the twenty-first century by focusing on the growing dominance of online journalism and calling for a radical approach to journalism ethics reform. Ward also addresses important developments that have occurred in the last decade, including the emergence of digital journalism ethics and global journalism ethics.
What did CBS and ABC not know about Steve Fleischman during his thirty years in network news and why did they not know it? In A Red in the House, Stephen Fleischman tells of the political landmines in the mainstream media that marked the Cold War era. "Although the Communist Party disintegrated out from under me in the mid-1950s, I found Marxism a valuable tool for analyzing the political and economic world around me. During those thirty years, I worked with the best in mainstream broadcast journalism-Walter Cronkite, Ed Murrow, Fred Friendly, Dan Rather, Howard K. Smith, Eric Sevareid, Peter Jennings, Charles Kuralt, Harry Reasoner, Roone Arledge, Bill Redeker, Brit Hume, and more." -Stephen Fleischman A Red in the House is replete with anecdotes and sidebar stories relating to the inner conflicts in the making of the TV news documentary. A Red in the House portrays a graphic picture of how the mainstream media arrived at the sorry state it's in today. With five corporate media giants controlling most of what we see, hear and read, this story is even more relevant today.
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