Originally published in 1969. Rumania faced the problem, shared by other independently minded communist states in the era of the Soviet bloc, of pursuing independent policies in foreign and intra-bloc relations and in its domestic affairs without provoking the Soviet Union to a military reaction. The efforts of the Rumanian leadership in this direction were aided by the fact that there was no politically relevant pro-Moscow elite that could take over if Ceausescu and his followers were deposed by force. Writing his study during the communist period, Professor Fischer-Galati concludes that the future of Rumanian integration into the communist party-state system hinges on the resolution of differences with the Soviet Union and that no meaningful reconciliation appears likely while the present Rumanian and Russian elites remain in power. The author believes, however, that the Rumanians will continue to pursue their independent course—one that could stimulate greater popular support and participation in the country's affairs, although it may not lead to a realization of Ceausescu's social nationalist goals.
Originally published in 1969. Rumania faced the problem, shared by other independently minded communist states in the era of the Soviet bloc, of pursuing independent policies in foreign and intra-bloc relations and in its domestic affairs without provoking the Soviet Union to a military reaction. The efforts of the Rumanian leadership in this direction were aided by the fact that there was no politically relevant pro-Moscow elite that could take over if Ceausescu and his followers were deposed by force. Writing his study during the communist period, Professor Fischer-Galati concludes that the future of Rumanian integration into the communist party-state system hinges on the resolution of differences with the Soviet Union and that no meaningful reconciliation appears likely while the present Rumanian and Russian elites remain in power. The author believes, however, that the Rumanians will continue to pursue their independent course—one that could stimulate greater popular support and participation in the country's affairs, although it may not lead to a realization of Ceausescu's social nationalist goals.
This book believes that the Soviet Union will not relax its stranglehold and will continue to dominate Eastern Europe's cultural, social, and economic policies. It assesses the contemporary state of affairs in Eastern Europe from an historical perspective.
This book traces the country's political history and examines Romania's postcommunist politics, economic transition and foreign policy, and considers the prospects for the country as it enters the twenty-first century."--Jacket
Originally published in 1967; back in print in 2003As contemporary history in general, and political history in particular, this book will be of immeasurable interest to any student of East European affairs. It is based almost exclusively upon primary sources, and incorporates information secured by the author through direct interviews with Rumanian officials. By tracing the evolution of the "Rumanian course" from its ideological birth in the early 1940's to its practical application by Gherghiu-Dej and his successor and protégé, Nicole Ceausescu, the author has characterized not only independent nationalism but Communist rule as well.Seemingly under the paternal tutelage of the Soviet Union, Rumania has in the past attracted little attention beyond the East European Communist bloc. While most countries paid scant attention, Rumania was busy smashing the image of her docility by systematically cementing policy to action in an attempt to assert her national independence. The origins and development of this independent course are set forth and explicated here, for the first time, in light of the political history of the Rumanian Communist Party.That Rumania resisted Khruschev's internationalism and exploited the inherently contradictory policy of "peaceful coexistence" to further nationalist aims; that Rumania collaborated with China and openly courted Western social and cultural currents of influence despite Soviet admonitions; that, in short, Rumania rejected the stultifying security of the Communist bloc-is shown to be no mere "historic accident" born of whims and on-the-spot decisions. Stephen Fischer-Galati's interpretation of these events recognizes the element of continuity in Rumanian politics and relegates prominence to those political personalities, notably Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, who "as early as 1955...were cautiously pursuing national policies first formulated in 1945 and envisaging a possible eventual assertion of independence from the Kremlin."What emerged from the often precarious, always single-minded course followed by Rumania under the direction of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej was "the attainment of the objective conditions for independent action within the framework of general international cooperation." In exercising the skills of the professional historian, Professor Fischer-Galati takes elements of rationalization and propaganda into account but simultaneously finds Rumanian contentions justified by the impressive advances made by the nationalist Communist Party in coping with the socioeconomic situation.Professor Fischer-Galati evaluates the extent of Rumanian transformation since 1944 with an eye to previously advanced claims and counterclaims, achieving thereby a balanced, objective view of national Communist fulfillment of Rumania's "historic legacy".
The third edition of this text provides a background to the politics of China, Eastern Europe and what was the Soviet Union. The book has been rewritten throughout to reflect the emergence of pluralist multi-party systems and non Communist governments are marked.
This book analyses a number of emerging, enduring and neglected issues that will affect European security and the stability of the Atlantic Alliance in the near future.
This book is the first major sociological analysis of the characteristics and interrelationships of ethnicity, religion, and socio-economic class in Israeli society. Although much has been written about the various distinctions between Sephardi and Ashkenazi Jews, this volume argues for a more sophisticated approach than the rather crude divisions that have formed the basis of most works on the subject. The authors include categories largely overlooked in sociological studies on Israel such as middle class Israelis from Asia and Africa, and working-class Israelis from Europe. The data acquired from this rich ethnic mix leads to the analysis of a wide range of theoretical issues that casts fresh light on social cleavages within Israel in particular and society in general.
First Published in 1986. The papers in this volume were originally delivered at a series of seminars held at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University of London, between January and May 1984. The inspiration for the scheme was the Soviet succession struggle of 1982 but further reflection indicated that the problem of elderly leaderships, and the apparent absence of legitimate succession mechanisms, applied to nearly all communist systems.
European Dictatorships 1918-1945 surveys the extraordinary circumstances leading to, and arising from, the transformation of over half of Europe's states to dictatorships between the first and the second World Wars. It describes the course of dictatorship in Europe before and during the Second World War, and examines the phenomenon of dictatorship itself and the widely different forms it can take. From the notorious dictatorships of Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin to less well-known states and leaders, this book scrutinizes the experiences of Russia, Germany, Italy, Spain and Portugal, and Central and Eastern European states. This third edition has been revised throughout to include recent historical research and contains a completely new chapter on the meaning of dictatorship. Including new tables, maps and diagrams, this is the perfect survey for all students of the period. To view the companion website, please visit: www.routledge.com/textbooks/9780415454858.
The Danube has been for two centuries the great connecting link between the European West and the European East. Most commercial and cultural exchanges between the two parts of Europe took place with the help of or along the Danube. The West involved was, above all, southern Germany and the cisbithynian part of the Habsburg monarchy. The East was the formerly Turkish ruled territories, the Balkan peninsula and the Black Sea. The latter was, for the last two centuries, the center of conflict between Russian and Turkish hegemo nial aspirations. The events of the Balkan wars and of World War I almost ex tinguished Turkish influence, an event long expected: The outcome of World War I fortified, to an unexpected degree, the influence of Russia, which now became almost synonymous with the term of the European East. For a few years the middle and lower Danube threaten ed to disappear behind the Iron Curtain which marked the extent of Eastern influence.
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