In China, the central government has the political will to control organized crime, which is seen as a national security threat. The crux of the problem is how to control local governments that have demonstrated lax enforcement without sufficient regulation from the provincial governments. The development of prostitution, underground gambling and narcotics production has become so serious that the central government has to rely on anti-crime campaigns to combat these "three evils". This book explores the specific role of government institutions and agencies, notably the police, in controlling organised and cross-border crime in Greater China. Drawing heavily on original empirical data, it compares the both the states of the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan, as well as city-states Hong Kong and Macao. This region has become increasingly economically integrated, and human interactions have been enhanced through improved trade relations, tourism, and increased individual freedom. The book argues that the regime capacity of crime control across Greater China has been expanded through regional and international police cooperation as well as anti-crime campaigns. It suggests that a strong central state in China is necessary to rein in the local states and to prevent the risk of deteriorating into a political-criminal nexus. Focusing on regime capacity in crime control, regime autonomy from crime groups, and regime legitimacy in the fight against organized crime, this thought-provoking book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics and criminology more broadly.
This book is a unique contribution to the study of democratization in Hong Kong, with chapters including the legal tradition in Hong Kong, the features of Hong Kong's indigenous democracy, the 2014 Umbrella Movement, and the evolution of the Chief Executive election.
This book critically assesses the implementation of the "one country, two systems" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) from the political, judicial, legal, economic and societal dimensions. The author contends that there has been a gradual process of mainlandization of the HKSAR, meaning that Hong Kong is increasingly economically dependent on the People's Republic of China (PRC), politically deferent to the central government on the scope and pace of democratic reforms, socially more patriotic toward the motherland and more prone to media self-censorship, and judicially more vulnerable to the interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People's Congress. This book aims to achieve a breakthrough in relating the development of Hong Kong politics to the future of mainland China and Taiwan. By broadening the focus of the "one country, two systems" from governance to the process of Sino-British negotiations and their thrust-building efforts, this book argues that the diplomats from mainland China and Taiwan can learn from the ways in which Hong Kong's political future was settled in 1982–1984. This is a book for students, researchers, scholars, diplomats and lay people.
This text brings together studies in various aspects of the theory of the capitalist economy. It focuses on major themes of the Marxist tradition that postulate the existence and importance of social relations and structures underlying the esoteric realm of prices, profits, wages, etc.
In China, the central government has the political will to control organized crime, which is seen as a national security threat. The crux of the problem is how to control local governments that have demonstrated lax enforcement without sufficient regulation from the provincial governments. The development of prostitution, underground gambling and narcotics production has become so serious that the central government has to rely on anti-crime campaigns to combat these "three evils". This book explores the specific role of government institutions and agencies, notably the police, in controlling organised and cross-border crime in Greater China. Drawing heavily on original empirical data, it compares the both the states of the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan, as well as city-states Hong Kong and Macao. This region has become increasingly economically integrated, and human interactions have been enhanced through improved trade relations, tourism, and increased individual freedom. The book argues that the regime capacity of crime control across Greater China has been expanded through regional and international police cooperation as well as anti-crime campaigns. It suggests that a strong central state in China is necessary to rein in the local states and to prevent the risk of deteriorating into a political-criminal nexus. Focusing on regime capacity in crime control, regime autonomy from crime groups, and regime legitimacy in the fight against organized crime, this thought-provoking book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics and criminology more broadly.
The introduction of elections to district advisory bodies during the early 1980s was expected to improve the public delivery of services. However, as time passed, electoral politics led to party politics, elite fragmentation and political struggles. Politicization and hyper-politicization in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has brought about a fluctuating pattern between administrative recentralization, the Tsang administration’s attempts at decentralization, and the post-2019 administrative recentralization. The purpose of this book is to study the intertwining relationship between district administration and electoral politics. It also examines the political transformation of District Councils after the promulgation of the National Security Law in late June 2020. Written by experts in the field, this book is a good reference source for readers interested in district elections, politics, and administration in Hong Kong.
Organized crime has been on the rise in the Greater China region since the People's Republic opened up its economy and society in the mid-1980s. Today, triads from Hong Kong, Macao, and even Taiwan are involved in businesses in Guangdong Province, and often recruit local Chinese for illegal activities such as extortion, kidnapping, assassinations, and smuggling of illegal aliens.This book provides a detailed and comprehensive study of how the state at the central and local levels has responded to the changing patterns and activities of cross-border crime in Greater China. It discusses the theoretical concept of organized crime; the transnational nature of organized crime in recent years; the significance of studying organized crime in Greater China; and the implications for the national security of other countries such as the United States, Canada, and Australia.The author reviews the history of organized crime and secret societies, and addresses the legal complexities of dealing with criminal groups in the region. He covers such topics as money laundering, the financing of terrorist activities, and regional efforts in fighting terrorism.
The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China is located on the southeastern coast of China, and the Macao SAR can be found off of China's southern coast. Both regions have recently been released from European colonial rule: Hong Kong from British control in 1997 and Macao from Portugal in 1999. As SARs, Hong Kong and Macao retain a high degree of autonomy, and they control all issues except those of state (e.g. diplomatic relations and national defense). The A to Z of the Hong Kong SAR and the Macao SAR includes maps, photographs, a list of acronyms, a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries on important persons, places, and events as well as political, economic and social background. However, unlike the rest of the series, all these sections are presented in duplicate: one for Hong Kong and one for Macao. The authoritative analysis and informative data presented clearly elucidate the unique situation of these two territories.
This book explores the dynamics of China’s new united front work in Hong Kong. Mainland Chinese penetrative politics can be seen in the activities of local pro-Beijing political parties, clans and neighborhood associations, labor unions, women and media organizations, district federations, and some religious groups. However, united front work in the educational and youth sectors of civil society has encountered strong resistance because many Hong Kong people are post-materialistic and uphold their core values of human rights, the rule of law and transparency. China’s new united front work in Hong Kong has been influenced by its domestic turn toward “hard” authoritarianism, making Beijing see Hong Kong’s democratic activists and radicals as political enemies. Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” is drifting toward “one country, two mixed systems” with some degree of convergence. Yet, Taiwan and some foreign countries have seen China’s united front work as politically destabilizing and penetrative. This book will be of use to scholars, journalists, and observers in other countries seeking to reckon with Chinese influence.
This book shows that Hong Kong’s protests from June to December 2019 originated from not only an attempt to extradite a Hong Kong man involved in a Taiwan murder case, but also China’s effort at extraditing corrupt mainlanders who laundered dirty money in the territory. The mixture of peaceful and violent protests was due to the snowballing effect of protestors-police confrontations, the imbalanced way in which police exercised their power, and protestors’ strategies. The protests triggered the national security concerns of Beijing, which mobilized the People’s Armed Police to Shenzhen as a warning rather than sending them openly to Hong Kong to avoid undermining the image of “one country, two systems.” The entire debate raised the concerns of Washington, Taiwan, and foreign governments, heightening Beijing’s sensitivity. After the bill was withdrawn, the anti-extradition movement has become anti-police and anti-mainland, constantly challenging the legitimacy of the Hong Kong government and Beijing. This is a valuable read for China watchers, political scientists and all those interested in the future of East Asia.
This book examines the politics of policing in Greater China, including mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao. As the author shows, police ideological indoctrination is strongest in mainland China, followed by Hong Kong, and Taiwan, where the police is under increasing political stress, in the aftermath of rising public protests and socio-political movements. Macao's police, on the other hand, is far less politicized and indoctrinated than their mainland Chinese counterpart. This book demonstrates that policing in China is a distinctive and extensive topic, as it involves not only crime control, but also crisis management and protest control, governance and corruption (or anti-corruption), the management of customs and immigration, the control over legal and illegal migrants, the transfer of criminals and extradition, and intergovernmental police cooperation and coordination. As economic integration is increasing rapidly in Greater China, this region's policing deserves special attention.
A fascinating analysis of the features of the Hong Kong-style democracy viewed as alien, hostile, potentially subversive, and substantially dangerous by the mainland Chinese Communist Party. Competing Chinese Political Visions: Hong Kong vs. Beijing on Democracy examines the uniqueness of the Hong Kong model of democracy—a model the Chinese Communist Party not surprisingly views as too Westernized, excessively pluralistic, and too easily shaped by foreign intervention and influence. Competing Chinese Political Visions examines the features that define Hong Kong's democracy, including competitive elections, a number of mini-political parties, legitimate checks and balances, the right to protest, and a vibrant social movement. Drawing on a wealth of recent research, noted Hong Kong expert Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo examines the role of Hong Kong in the June 1989 Tiananmen Square incident, discusses the leadership and visions of democratic leaders such as Martin Lee, and offer some bold predictions for the intertwined futures of Hong Kong and China.
Education reform has become a highly political issue in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) since the transfer of sovereignty to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Lo and Hung focus on the political struggles among stakeholders, including the government of Hong Kong, the Catholic Church, parents, students, teachers, the central authorities of Beijing, and even the bureaucratic politics between Beijing, the Hong Kong government and the Examination Authority. They examine the key elements of education reform in the HKSAR, including language and curriculum reform, national security education, civic and patriotic education, the rise of the pro-Beijing education elites and interest groups, and the revamp of examination questions and examination authority. The entire education reform in the HKSAR has pushed the Hong Kong education system toward a process of mainlandization, making Hong Kong’s education system more similar to the mainland system with emphasis on political "correctness" in the understanding of Chinese national security, history and culture. Highlighting the political struggles among the various stakeholders, this book is essential for scholars of Hong Kong and China, especially those with an interest in the relationship between education and politics.
This book critically assesses the implementation of the "one country, two systems" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) from the political, judicial, legal, economic and societal dimensions. The author contends that there has been a gradual process of mainlandization of the HKSAR, meaning that Hong Kong is increasingly economically dependent on the People's Republic of China (PRC), politically deferent to the central government on the scope and pace of democratic reforms, socially more patriotic toward the motherland and more prone to media self-censorship, and judicially more vulnerable to the interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People's Congress. This book aims to achieve a breakthrough in relating the development of Hong Kong politics to the future of mainland China and Taiwan. By broadening the focus of the "one country, two systems" from governance to the process of Sino-British negotiations and their thrust-building efforts, this book argues that the diplomats from mainland China and Taiwan can learn from the ways in which Hong Kong's political future was settled in 1982–1984. This is a book for students, researchers, scholars, diplomats and lay people.
This book explores the dynamics of China’s new united front work in Hong Kong. Mainland Chinese penetrative politics can be seen in the activities of local pro-Beijing political parties, clans and neighborhood associations, labor unions, women and media organizations, district federations, and some religious groups. However, united front work in the educational and youth sectors of civil society has encountered strong resistance because many Hong Kong people are post-materialistic and uphold their core values of human rights, the rule of law and transparency. China’s new united front work in Hong Kong has been influenced by its domestic turn toward “hard” authoritarianism, making Beijing see Hong Kong’s democratic activists and radicals as political enemies. Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” is drifting toward “one country, two mixed systems” with some degree of convergence. Yet, Taiwan and some foreign countries have seen China’s united front work as politically destabilizing and penetrative. This book will be of use to scholars, journalists, and observers in other countries seeking to reckon with Chinese influence.
In The New Politics of Beijing–Hong Kong Relations, Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo looks at the diverging changes to the ideologies from both Beijing and Hong Kong, and the ideological conflicts as taken in the form of factional political struggles between 2012 and the present. This book examines the paternalistic authoritarianism that can be seen in Beijing’s policy toward Hong Kong since the promulgation of the national security law in late June 2020. Lo analyzes the ideological shift from liberal nationalism to conservative nationalism in mainland China, which has taken place since late 2012. The increasingly radical localism in Hong Kong after 2014 transformed Beijing–Hong Kong relations into a conflict-ridden situation characterized by factional struggles. While the imposition of the national security law into Hong Kong since late June 2020 has stabilized the city politically, Beijing’s policy toward Hong Kong is now guided by the principles of protecting its national security and maintaining economic pragmatism, with implications for Beijing’s relations with Taipei in the coming years. “Professor Lo’s detailed and granular account of the clash between rising conservative nationalism in China and growing localist sentiment in Hong Kong offers an indispensable guide to the events and forces that culminate in the imposition of the national security law in 2020. This is an important contribution by a leading scholar and deserves a wide readership.” —Victor Falkenheim, University of Toronto “Detailed, intricate, and informed, an original and forceful analysis of the ideologies and factional politics that have shaped the recent interactions of Beijing and Hong Kong in the lead up to the 2020 national security law and beyond.” —Paul Evans, University of British Columbia “Professor Lo strikes an excellently researched, balanced but critical perspective, sharing blame for the transformation of ‘one country, two systems,’ on a naïve, radical, localist populism in the HKSAR, whose actions fed the fears of the Chinese government about threats to China’s sovereignty over Hong Kong. The resulting national security law replaced Hong Kong’s pluralist system with a paternalistic one.” —David Zweig, The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
This book explores the characteristics of casino capitalism in Macau under Chinese sovereignty and administration. It argues that casino capitalism propelled the region’s economic prosperity and social stability in the period starting from the internationalization of the casino industry in 2002 to the end of 2019. However, casino capitalism also exacerbated the income gap between the rich and the poor. To tackle income inequality, the Macau developmental state combined casino capitalism with social welfarism. The region’s developmental state has been characterized by its relatively decisive leadership, its autonomy from the capitalist and working classes, and a comparatively weak civil society. China has encouraged Macau to shift from its overdependence on casino capitalism to economic diversification and integration with the Greater Bay Area. However, given Macau’s long-standing and profound dependence on casino capitalism, the path of economic diversification is destined to be long and difficult. As this book also argues, the Macau model of “one country, two systems” is a unique one which cannot be easily transplanted to Hong Kong, where the overdeveloped politics and assertive civil society are a far cry from Macau’s frozen politics and quiescent society.
This text brings together studies in various aspects of the theory of the capitalist economy. It focuses on major themes of the Marxist tradition that postulate the existence and importance of social relations and structures underlying the esoteric realm of prices, profits, wages, etc.
A fascinating analysis of the features of the Hong Kong-style democracy viewed as alien, hostile, potentially subversive, and substantially dangerous by the mainland Chinese Communist Party. Competing Chinese Political Visions: Hong Kong vs. Beijing on Democracy examines the uniqueness of the Hong Kong model of democracy—a model the Chinese Communist Party not surprisingly views as too Westernized, excessively pluralistic, and too easily shaped by foreign intervention and influence. Competing Chinese Political Visions examines the features that define Hong Kong's democracy, including competitive elections, a number of mini-political parties, legitimate checks and balances, the right to protest, and a vibrant social movement. Drawing on a wealth of recent research, noted Hong Kong expert Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo examines the role of Hong Kong in the June 1989 Tiananmen Square incident, discusses the leadership and visions of democratic leaders such as Martin Lee, and offer some bold predictions for the intertwined futures of Hong Kong and China.
This book examines the politics of policing in Greater China, including mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao. As the author shows, police ideological indoctrination is strongest in mainland China, followed by Hong Kong, and Taiwan, where the police is under increasing political stress, in the aftermath of rising public protests and socio-political movements. Macao's police, on the other hand, is far less politicized and indoctrinated than their mainland Chinese counterpart. This book demonstrates that policing in China is a distinctive and extensive topic, as it involves not only crime control, but also crisis management and protest control, governance and corruption (or anti-corruption), the management of customs and immigration, the control over legal and illegal migrants, the transfer of criminals and extradition, and intergovernmental police cooperation and coordination. As economic integration is increasing rapidly in Greater China, this region's policing deserves special attention.
Education reform has become a highly political issue in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) since the transfer of sovereignty to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Lo and Hung focus on the political struggles among stakeholders, including the government of Hong Kong, the Catholic Church, parents, students, teachers, the central authorities of Beijing, and even the bureaucratic politics between Beijing, the Hong Kong government and the Examination Authority. They examine the key elements of education reform in the HKSAR, including language and curriculum reform, national security education, civic and patriotic education, the rise of the pro-Beijing education elites and interest groups, and the revamp of examination questions and examination authority. The entire education reform in the HKSAR has pushed the Hong Kong education system toward a process of mainlandization, making Hong Kong’s education system more similar to the mainland system with emphasis on political "correctness" in the understanding of Chinese national security, history and culture. Highlighting the political struggles among the various stakeholders, this book is essential for scholars of Hong Kong and China, especially those with an interest in the relationship between education and politics.
The introduction of elections to district advisory bodies during the early 1980s was expected to improve the public delivery of services. However, as time passed, electoral politics led to party politics, elite fragmentation and political struggles. Politicization and hyper-politicization in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has brought about a fluctuating pattern between administrative recentralization, the Tsang administration’s attempts at decentralization, and the post-2019 administrative recentralization. The purpose of this book is to study the intertwining relationship between district administration and electoral politics. It also examines the political transformation of District Councils after the promulgation of the National Security Law in late June 2020. Written by experts in the field, this book is a good reference source for readers interested in district elections, politics, and administration in Hong Kong.
This book analyzes the ways in which the Chinese government and military responded to the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake in Sichuan province. It adopts a comparative and historical perspective in studying the responses of the Chinese government in the first critical 72 hours, the mobilization of the People’s Liberation Army and its difficulties, the assertive and important role of the non-governmental groups which established a partnership with the state in the rescue operations, and the process and politics of reconstruction. The book is rich in materials, including comparative case studies of the Tangshan earthquake in 1976, the outbreak of the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome in 2003, the earthquakes in Haiti, Chile and Myanmar, and the contrasts with the Japanese earthquake tsunami in 2011. Researchers, government officials, policy analysts, seismic specialists, journalists and students will find this book extremely useful, conceptually insightful and practically policy-relevant.
The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China is located on the southeastern coast of China, and the Macao SAR can be found off of China's southern coast. Both regions have recently been released from European colonial rule: Hong Kong from British control in 1997 and Macao from Portugal in 1999. As SARs, Hong Kong and Macao retain a high degree of autonomy, and they control all issues except those of state (e.g. diplomatic relations and national defense). The A to Z of the Hong Kong SAR and the Macao SAR includes maps, photographs, a list of acronyms, a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries on important persons, places, and events as well as political, economic and social background. However, unlike the rest of the series, all these sections are presented in duplicate: one for Hong Kong and one for Macao. The authoritative analysis and informative data presented clearly elucidate the unique situation of these two territories.
An analysis of the politics of transition in Hong Kong, focusing on the tug-of-war between China and Britain on democratization, and on the interactions between the increasingly politically active people of Hong Kong and the democratizing colonial regime. The successes and failures of British policy since 1984, and the missed opportunities to democratize faster prior to Governor Patten's appointment in 1992 are examined.
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