In this classic analysis and refutation of Eric Williams's 1944 thesis, Seymour Drescher argues that Britain's abolition of the slave trade in 1807 resulted not from the diminishing value of slavery for Great Britain but instead from the British public's mobilization against the slave trade, which forced London to commit what Drescher terms "econocide." This action, he argues, was detrimental to Britain's economic interests at a time when British slavery was actually at the height of its potential. Originally published in 1977, Drescher's work was instrumental in undermining the economic determinist interpretation of abolitionism that had dominated historical discourse for decades following World War II. For this second edition, which includes a foreword by David Brion Davis, Drescher has written a new preface, reflecting on the historiography of the British slave trade since this book's original publication.
The entries in this volume focus upon the rise and fall of the Atlantic slave system in comparative perspective. The subjects range from the rise of the slave trade in early modern Europe to a comparison of slave trade and the Holocaust of the twentieth century, dealing with both the history and historiography of slavery and abolition. They include essays on British, French, Dutch, and Brazilian abolition, as well as essays on the historiography of slavery and abolition since the publication of Eric Williams's Capitalism and Slavery more than fifty years ago.
In this work Drescher argues that the plan to end British slavery, rather than being a timely escape from a failing system, was, on the contrary, the crucial element in the greatest humanitarian achievement of all time. He explores how politicians, colonial bureaucrats, pamphleteers, and scholars taking anti-slavery positions validated their claims through rational scientific arguments going beyond moral and polemical rhetoric, and how the infiltration of the social sciences into this political debate was designed to minimize agitation on both sides and provide common ground.
Three hundred years ago Britain was what she is again, a mid-sized island off the coast of Eurasia. Between then and now she became the centre of a world economy. And just midway upon this imperial passage the people of the Empire, free Britons and colonial slaves, secured the destruction of slavery and hastened its demise throughout the world. Those who were part of Britain's Atlantic economy but free of direct economic dependency were the most effective agents in that process. The great novelty of this process therefore lay in the fact that for the first time in history the nonslave masses, including working men and women, played a direct and decisive role in bringing chattel slavery to an end. Seymour Drescher's study focuses attention on the period when popular pressure was effectively deployed as a means of altering national policy, and at those fault-lines in British society which seem to have partly determined the timing and intensity of abolition.
Seymour Drescher’s regular, deeply-thought and carefully nuanced arguments have periodically reshaped how we think of the subject of the history of slavery itself. He has discussed the impact of economic and cultural factors on human behaviour and has shown that historical evidence does not lead to easy answers. He has changed the way in which we now look at abolitionism and has destroyed the linear explanation of economic decline. This books gathers together some of Drescher’s key essays in the field.
In this classic analysis and refutation of Eric Williams's 1944 thesis, Seymour Drescher argues that Britain's abolition of the slave trade in 1807 resulted not from the diminishing value of slavery for Great Britain but instead from the British public's
The entries in this volume focus upon the rise and fall of the Atlantic slave system in comparative perspective. The subjects range from the rise of the slave trade in early modern Europe to a comparison of slave trade and the Holocaust of the twentieth century, dealing with both the history and historiography of slavery and abolition. They include essays on British, French, Dutch, and Brazilian abolition, as well as essays on the historiography of slavery and abolition since the publication of Eric Williams's Capitalism and Slavery more than fifty years ago.
Seymour Drescher’s regular, deeply-thought and carefully nuanced arguments have periodically reshaped how we think of the subject of the history of slavery itself. He has discussed the impact of economic and cultural factors on human behaviour and has shown that historical evidence does not lead to easy answers. He has changed the way in which we now look at abolitionism and has destroyed the linear explanation of economic decline. This books gathers together some of Drescher’s key essays in the field.
In this work Drescher argues that the plan to end British slavery, rather than being a timely escape from a failing system, was, on the contrary, the crucial element in the greatest humanitarian achievement of all time. He explores how politicians, colonial bureaucrats, pamphleteers, and scholars taking anti-slavery positions validated their claims through rational scientific arguments going beyond moral and polemical rhetoric, and how the infiltration of the social sciences into this political debate was designed to minimize agitation on both sides and provide common ground.
In this revolutionary book, a renowned computer scientist explains the importance of teaching children the basics of computing and how it can prepare them to succeed in the ever-evolving tech world. Computers have completely changed the way we teach children. We have Mindstorms to thank for that. In this book, pioneering computer scientist Seymour Papert uses the invention of LOGO, the first child-friendly programming language, to make the case for the value of teaching children with computers. Papert argues that children are more than capable of mastering computers, and that teaching computational processes like de-bugging in the classroom can change the way we learn everything else. He also shows that schools saturated with technology can actually improve socialization and interaction among students and between students and teachers. Technology changes every day, but the basic ways that computers can help us learn remain. For thousands of teachers and parents who have sought creative ways to help children learn with computers, Mindstorms is their bible.
Alexis de Tocqueville has been extensively chronicled as a pioneer sociologist and political philosopher of democracy during the early nineteenth century. However, his writings on the problems of social and economic transitions to an industrial society have been largely overlooked. In this book, Seymour Drescher presents a thorough analysis of Tocqueville's concern for the lower classes of society, viewing his thoughts on slavery, poverty, criminality, and working class conditions, and their place in an evolving egalitarian society.
Proverbs, poems, and songs illustrate points of grammar in this concise yet complete intermediate-level review. Abundant exercises follow each lesson and include readings, cultural information, and opportunities for conversational practice.
Three hundred years ago Britain was what she is again, a mid-sized island off the coast of Eurasia. Between then and now she became the centre of a world economy. And just midway upon this imperial passage the people of the Empire, free Britons and colonial slaves, secured the destruction of slavery and hastened its demise throughout the world. Those who were part of Britain's Atlantic economy but free of direct economic dependency were the most effective agents in that process. The great novelty of this process therefore lay in the fact that for the first time in history the nonslave masses, including working men and women, played a direct and decisive role in bringing chattel slavery to an end. Seymour Drescher's study focuses attention on the period when popular pressure was effectively deployed as a means of altering national policy, and at those fault-lines in British society which seem to have partly determined the timing and intensity of abolition.
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