Pakistan and India, the two largest countries in South Asia, share more than just a common border; they also share a common history, culture, language, and – at certain levels – a common ideology. Yet they remain enemies who have fought several wars, face seemingly insurmountable geographic issues, and co-exist amid discord on several fronts. However, there is reason to be hopeful when these issues have not eliminated the commonalities between the two parties. While current state of affairs between India and Pakistan on a variety of fronts does not offer the most conducive environment for progress, even in this dismal situation there have been occasions and signs – and on a non-official level, large leaps forward – showing the impossibility of a complete shutdown in interactions. Commonly understood languages – and perceptions – see these neighbors empathizing with each other thanks to their social conditioning and behavior, as well as their commonly held customs. This binds Indians and Pakistanis in a discourse that perhaps overrides all other identities. Political pressures mean that Pakistan and India are unlikely to budge from their traditional positions and permit any perceptions that they have succumbed to pressure from the other side. Thus, any commitment should move beyond difficult and complicated issues and focus on the bigger picture. For Pakistan, that entails a recognition that unless it stabilizes its political processes and economic progress, it is likely to suffer chronic instability, while India should see its own interests and broader regional goals in Pakistan’s stability. Recognizing this as a win–win solution beyond pre-conceived notions and paradigmatic hostility will mean that the remaining battle will also be won. The two countries owe this to their nations, to their populations and to regional peace and prosperity; they owe this to their shared history and common culture, and to the casualties of 64 years of suffering. Ultimately, they owe this to the future of South Asia.
Pakistan and India, the two largest countries in the Sout Asian region, share more than just a common border; they also share a common history, culture, language, and -- at certain levels -- a common ideology. Yet they remain enemies who have fought several wars, face seemingly insurmountable geographic issues, and co-exisst amid discord on several fronts ... In this paper I aim to highlight how, among the many points of discord, these shared factors could -- and should -- be seen as rays of light in an unnecessarily dark relationship."--Page 1.
A Night in London chronicles the diverse and often conflicting emotional, ideological and political aspirations of an entire generation of Indian students in Europe. The novella sheds light on the dynamics of late imperial culture-English working-class politics, anti-colonial sentiment and race relations-like no other sustained narrative by an expatriate Indian author of the same period. Long considered a landmark in twentieth-century Urdu fiction, A Night in London is being made available in English for the first time in a translation by Bilal Hashmi. The volume also features an introduction by Carlo Coppola, a noted scholar and critic of Urdu literature.
This book studies the engagement of various Muslim communities with Bihar politics from colonial times to present-day India. It debunks several myths in highlighting Muslim resistance to the Two-Nation theory, and counters the ‘Isolation Syndrome’ faced by Muslim communities after Independence. Using rare archival sources and hitherto unexamined Urdu texts, this book offers a nuanced exploration of complex themes such as the struggle against Bengali hegemony, communalism, regionalism and alienation before Independence, recent language politics, the political assertion of low-caste Muslims in current Bihar, as well as their quest for social and gender justice. An important contribution to the study of South Asian Islam, this book will interest students and scholars of modern Indian history, politics, sociology, religion, gender, and minority studies.
Mulla Sadra is one of the most important Islamic philosophers after Avicenna. In this exploration of his philosophy, Sajjad H. Rizvi examines the central doctrine of the modulation of being, and contextualises his work within the intellectual history of philosophical traditions in the Islamic East. Reading and critiquing the works of Mulla Sadra from an analytical perspective, this book pays particular attention to his text the Asfar, a work which, due to its complexity, is often overlooked. Looking at the concept of philosophy as a way of life and a therapeutic practice, this book explores the paradigm of the modulation of being in the philosophical method and metaphysics of Mulla Sadra and considers its different manifestations. Rizvi relates his philosophy to larger trends and provides a review of the field, charting and critiquing the discussion on the topic to date and exploring recent thought in this direction, to show how Sadrian thought was addressed well into the 19th and 20th centuries. This major contribution to the study of Mulla Sadra and the intellectual life of the Safavid period fills an important gap in the field of Sadra studies and Islamic philosophy, and is indispensable to students of philosophy, religion and Islamic studies, and Islamic philosophy in particular.
Pakistan and India, the two largest countries in South Asia, share more than just a common border; they also share a common history, culture, language, and – at certain levels – a common ideology. Yet they remain enemies who have fought several wars, face seemingly insurmountable geographic issues, and co-exist amid discord on several fronts. However, there is reason to be hopeful when these issues have not eliminated the commonalities between the two parties. While current state of affairs between India and Pakistan on a variety of fronts does not offer the most conducive environment for progress, even in this dismal situation there have been occasions and signs – and on a non-official level, large leaps forward – showing the impossibility of a complete shutdown in interactions. Commonly understood languages – and perceptions – see these neighbors empathizing with each other thanks to their social conditioning and behavior, as well as their commonly held customs. This binds Indians and Pakistanis in a discourse that perhaps overrides all other identities. Political pressures mean that Pakistan and India are unlikely to budge from their traditional positions and permit any perceptions that they have succumbed to pressure from the other side. Thus, any commitment should move beyond difficult and complicated issues and focus on the bigger picture. For Pakistan, that entails a recognition that unless it stabilizes its political processes and economic progress, it is likely to suffer chronic instability, while India should see its own interests and broader regional goals in Pakistan’s stability. Recognizing this as a win–win solution beyond pre-conceived notions and paradigmatic hostility will mean that the remaining battle will also be won. The two countries owe this to their nations, to their populations and to regional peace and prosperity; they owe this to their shared history and common culture, and to the casualties of 64 years of suffering. Ultimately, they owe this to the future of South Asia.
This book is an account of the authors personal journey from the dark and irrational abyss of a faith and excruciating customs toward a wide spectrum of humanistic values and reason. He performed an enchanting evaluation and assessment of his former faith without any inappropriate bashing and disrespectful statements. The reader will find him logical, knowledgeable, and informative. This is a first-hand account of victim of Islam and the laws based on it.
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