The final volume of the Taft papers This fourth and final volume of a selected edition of the papers of Robert A. Taft documents Taft's post-World War II and congressional experiences until his death in 1953. Regardless of his conservative commitments, Taft saw the need for responsible reform. In the immediate postwar years, he recognized the need for federal aid to education, for social welfare legislation that assisted the poor, and for federal support for public housing. Out of political necessity, Taft became more partisan as the 1950 senatorial campaign approached, convinced he had to win reelection in Ohio by a large margin if he was to establish himself as a frontrunner in the primary campaign for the 1952 presidential election. Moderate Republicans spurned Taft and doubted that the serious, partisan senator could successfully head a national ticket. His support, nevertheless, was essential to the 1952 Eisenhower presidential campaign. Taft's service as Senate majority leader proved indispensable to President Eisenhower during the early months of his first term, helping the president navigate the byways of the nation's capital. Even after his diagnosis of cancer in April 1953, he continued to work at his senatorial duties until he died in July 1953. This volume completes the contribution that The Papers of Robert A. Taft provides to the study of United States political and diplomatic history, Ohio history, and conservative political theory.
An inevitable feature of democratic governments is the tendency of their chief executives to pursue domestic policies and foreign wars without the consent of the people. America's own presidents have studiously ignored Congress and the states and have begun to act like all-powerful kings. U.S. presidents make wild promises to get elected, use temporary crises to expand personal power, publish propaganda to divert attention away from their actions, pass out benefits to favored sections of the population in order to get re-elected, and suppress segments of the population who disagree with them. This book chronicles the story of America's lapse into tyranny at the hands of some of its best-known presidents.
In this book Robert S. La Forte examines the intricacies of shifting factions within the state majority party over a two decade period, from the Boss-Busters and political machines of the early 1900s through the formation of a new party behind Theodore Roosevelt in 1913. He disucsses the motives, activities, accomplishments, and failures of the progressive Republicans. He provides excellent vignettes of major leaders such as William Allen White, Arthur Capper, Joseph L. Bristow, and Charles Curtis, as well as lesser-known characters such as Walter Roscoe Stubbs, Edward H. Hoch, and Cy Leland, Jr. In providing a detailed analysis of virtually all Kansas progressive Republican leaders during the era, La Forte has made a valuable contribution to both state and national political history.
The celebrated history of New Haven often overshadows its fascinating and forgotten past. The Elm City was home to America's first woman dentist, an architect who designed the tallest twin towers in the world and a medical student who used toy parts to create an artificial heart pump. A city noted as the home of one of the top universities in the world, New Haven is also home to the third-oldest independent school in the United States, the first African American to receive a PhD degree and the founding of what would become the largest Catholic fraternal benefit society in the world. The city's share of disasters includes Connecticut's worst aviation crash, a zookeeper who was mauled to death and a fire at the Rialto Theater. Local authors Robert and Kathleen Hubbard reveal the rich and fascinating cultural legacies of one of New England's most treasured cities.
When the 1952 presidential election campaign began, many assumed it would be a race between Harry Truman, seeking his second full term, and Robert A. Taft, son of a former president and, to many of his fellow partisans, “Mr. Republican”. No one imagined the party standard bearers would be Illinois governor Adlai E. Stevenson II and Supreme Allied Commander in World War II, Dwight D. Eisenhower. I Like Ike tells the story of a critical election fought between two avowedly reluctant warriors, including Truman’s efforts to recruit Eisenhower as the candidate of the Democrat Party—to a finish that, for all the partisan wrangling, had more to do with the extraordinary popularity of the former general, who, along with Stevenson, was seen to be somehow above politics. In the first book to analyze the 1952 election in its entirety, political historian John Robert Greene looks in detail at how Stevenson and Eisenhower faced demands that they run for an office neither originally wanted. He examines the campaigns of their opponents—Harry Truman and Robert Taft, but also Estes Kefauver, Richard B. Russell, Averell Harriman and Earl Warren. Richard Nixon’s famous “Checkers Speech,” Joseph McCarthy’s anti-Communist campaign, and television as a new medium for news and political commercials—each figured in the election in its own way; and drawing in depth on the Eisenhower, Stevenson, Taft and Nixon papers, Greene traces how. I Like Ike is a compelling account of how an America fearful of a Communist threat elected a war hero and brought an end to twenty years of Democrat control of the White House. In an era of political ferment, it also makes a timely and persuasive case for the importance of the election of 1952 not only to the Eisenhower Administration, but also to the development of presidential politics well into the future.
Unparalleled coverage of U.S. political development through a unique chronological framework Encyclopedia of U.S. Political History explores the events, policies, activities, institutions, groups, people, and movements that have created and shaped political life in the United States. With contributions from scholars in the fields of history and political science, this seven-volume set provides students, researchers, and scholars the opportunity to examine the political evolution of the United States from the 1500s to the present day. With greater coverage than any other resource, the Encyclopedia of U.S. Political History identifies and illuminates patterns and interrelations that will expand the reader’s understanding of American political institutions, culture, behavior, and change. Focusing on both government and history, the Encyclopedia brings exceptional breadth and depth to the topic with more than 100 essays for each of the critical time periods covered. With each volume covering one of seven time periods that correspond to key eras in American history, the essays and articles in this authoritative encyclopedia focus on the following themes of political history: The three branches of government Elections and political parties Legal and constitutional histories Political movements and philosophies, and key political figures Economics Military politics International relations, treaties, and alliances Regional histories Key Features Organized chronologically by political eras Reader’s guide for easy-topic searching across volumes Maps, photographs, and tables enhance the text Signed entries by a stellar group of contributors VOLUME 1 ?Colonial Beginnings through Revolution ?1500–1783 ?Volume Editor: Andrew Robertson, Herbert H. Lehman College ?The colonial period witnessed the transformation of thirteen distinct colonies into an independent federated republic. This volume discusses the diversity of the colonial political experience—a diversity that modern scholars have found defies easy synthesis—as well as the long-term conflicts, policies, and events that led to revolution, and the ideas underlying independence. VOLUME 2 ?The Early Republic ?1784–1840 ?Volume Editor: Michael A. Morrison, Purdue University No period in the history of the United States was more critical to the foundation and shaping of American politics than the early American republic. This volume discusses the era of Confederation, the shaping of the U.S. Constitution, and the development of the party system. VOLUME 3 ?Expansion, Division, and Reconstruction ?1841–1877 ?Volume Editor: William Shade, Lehigh University (emeritus) ?This volume examines three decades in the middle of the nineteenth century, which witnessed: the emergence of the debate over slavery in the territories, which eventually led to the Civil War; the military conflict itself from 1861 until 1865; and the process of Reconstruction, which ended with the readmission of all of the former Confederate States to the Union and the "withdrawal" of the last occupying federal troops from those states in 1877. VOLUME 4 ?From the Gilded Age through the Age of Reform ?1878–1920 ?Volume Editor: Robert Johnston, University of Illinois at Chicago With the withdrawal of federal soldiers from Southern states the previous year, 1878 marked a new focus in American politics, and it became recognizably modern within the next 40 years. This volume focuses on race and politics; economics, labor, and capitalism; agrarian politics and populism; national politics; progressivism; foreign affairs; World War I; and the end of the progressive era. VOLUME 5 ?Prosperity, Depression, and War ?1921–1945 ?Volume Editor: Robert Zieger, University of Florida Between 1921 and 1945, the U.S. political system exhibited significant patterns of both continuity and change in a turbulent time marked by racist conflicts, the Great Depression, and World War II. The main topics covered in this volume are declining party identification; the "Roosevelt Coalition"; evolving party organization; congressional inertia in the 1920s; the New Deal; Congress during World War II; the growth of the federal government; Franklin D. Roosevelt’s presidency; the Supreme Court’s conservative traditions; and a new judicial outlook. VOLUME 6 ?Postwar Consensus to Social Unrest ?1946–1975 ?Volume Editor: Thomas Langston, Tulane University This volume examines the postwar era with the consolidation of the New Deal, the onset of the Cold War, and the Korean War. It then moves into the 1950s and early 1960s, and discusses the Vietnam war; the era of John F. Kennedy; the Cuban Missile Crisis; the Civil Rights Act; Martin Luther King and the Voting Rights Act; antiwar movements; The War Powers Act; environmental policy; the Equal Rights Amendment; Roe v. Wade; Watergate; and the end of the Vietnam War. VOLUME 7 ?The Clash of Conservatism and Liberalism ?1976 to present ?Volume Editor: Richard Valelly, Swarthmore College ?The troubled Carter Administration, 1977–1980, proved to be the political gateway for the resurgence of a more ideologically conservative Republican party led by a popular president, Ronald Reagan. The last volume of the Encyclopedia covers politics and national institutions in a polarized era of nationally competitive party politics and programmatic debates about taxes, social policy, and the size of national government. It also considers the mixed blessing of the change in superpower international competition associated with the end of the Cold War. Stateless terrorism (symbolized by the 9/11 attacks), the continuing American tradition of civil liberties, and the broad change in social diversity wrought by immigration and the impact in this period of the rights revolutions are also covered.
What does it take to get elected president of the United States—"leader of the free world"? This book gives readers insight into the major issues and events surrounding American presidential elections across more than two centuries, from the earliest years of the Republic through the campaigns of the 21st century. The race for the presidency encapsulates the broader changes in American democratic culture. This book provides insight into the major issues and events surrounding American presidential elections across more than two centuries, from the earliest years of the Republic through the campaigns of the 21st century. Readers will be able to see and understand how presidential campaigns have evolved over time, and how and why the current state of campaigning for president came into being.
Elite, personable, and persuasive, Edward Douglass White, a ‘‘large and bearish man from Louisiana,’’ served on the United States Supreme Court for twenty-seven years. During his tenure, first as an associate justice (1894–1910) and then as the ninth chief justice (1910–1921), White significantly influenced American public law. Robert Highsaw’ s extensive judicial biography stresses White’s constitutional thought and philosophy. Several chapters discuss his early years in Louisiana, his training in Jesuit schools there and at Georgetown University, and his early legal career in New Orleans. The emphasis, however, remains on White’s theories and applications of the judicial and constitutional processes. Edward Douglass White “1ooked upon the American constitutional system as a model for a well-ordered society that must be preserved.” White’s concept of a federal system in which the national and state governments each operated within a defined sphere of powers underlay many of his opinions. White considered farm issues that developed after the closing of the western frontier, economic issues precipitated by a growing laboring class, and tense political issues of civil liberties that emerged during World War I. He played an important part in developing administrative law and was, perhaps, most responsible for strengthening dual federalism of commerce and taxing powers. His pragmatism, evidenced in the Insular cases where his doctrine of “incorporated” and “unincorporated” territories, synthesized American constitutional law with the political reality of American imperialism. White was a conservative, but unlike the conservative justices of the 1920s and 1930s whose intransigence produced the judicial revolution of 1937, he saw that injury to the Constitution might result from its consistent use as a barrier to social progress. Significantly, Edward Douglass White demonstrates that “the judicial revolution of 1937 and the ensuing decades of the Court’s history are meaningless unless we know what happened fifty or so years earlier.”
Marked by sharp ideological divisions over civil rights, Vietnam, and federal power, the 1964 presidential campaign between Democrat Lyndon Johnson and Republican Barry Goldwater proved a watershed election in American history. Although Johnson defeated Goldwater in a landslide and liberalism seemed to ride triumphant, the liberal wave crashed almost immediately and conservatives came to dominate a resurgent Republican Party in the late twentieth century. Thoroughly researched and beautifully written, this is the first historical account of this crucial election, and the transition it marked for the nation. Filled with colorful details and fascinating figures - Johnson, Goldwater, Wallace, Rockefeller, Nixon, Reagan, Robert Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., George Bush, and many more - it captures the full excitement, drama, and significance of "liberalism's last hurrah.
When Charles Evans Hughes defeated William Randolph Hearst for the governorship of New York in 1906, the New York State Republican Party was split between the remnants of the rural, conservative Platt political machine in Albany and the forces loyal to the progressive, energetic President and former New York Governor, Teddy Roosevelt. Although Hughes owed his nomination largely to Roosevelt's desire to weaken conservative influences, the aloof and independent governor's moral idealism and legal experience led him to positions more liberal and unyielding than even Roosevelt could endorse.In this thorough study of Hughes's two terms as governor, Robert F. Wesser depicts the tensions of conservativism and liberalism, corruption and moral indignation, which rent the state government under his administration. Making use of unpublished manuscript collections, both personal and organizational, and other primary sources, Wesser evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of Hughes as a political leader and reformer. He shows that despite opposition from his own party, Hughes's governorship produced important reform legislation in three areas: improvement of the machinery and processes of government; extension of the state's regulatory authority over businesses engaged in public services; and expansion of governmental police and welfare functions.These legislative achievements were supplemented by Hughes's relentless dedication to administrative efficiency, which helped shift the focus of New York politics from the legislature and party organization to the office of the governor. But not all Governor Hughes's efforts were successful, and Wesser carefully analyzes his failures as well as his triumphs-including the humiliating defeat at the hands of his own party's bosses in his quest to pass a direct primary voting bill-providing a complete portrait of a significant turning point in the history of New York and of the man who undermined some of the very foundations of the old political order. First published in 1967, Charles Evans Hughes remains an import work of scholarship on the history of New York and of the Progressive Era more broadly.
During a long period of the twentieth century, stretching from the Great Depression until the Reagan years, defeat generally characterized the electoral record of the Republican party. Although Republicans sometimes secured victory in presidential contests, a majority of Americans identified with the Democratic party, not the GOP. This book investigates how Republicans tackled the problem of their party's minority status and why their efforts to boost GOP fortunes usually ended in failure. At the heart of the Republicans' minority puzzle was the profound and persistent popularity of New Deal liberalism. This puzzle was stubbornly resistant to solution. Efforts to develop a Republican version of government activism met little success. Only the Democratic party's decline eventually created opportunities for Republican resurgence. This book is the first to offer a wide-ranging analysis of the topic, which is of central importance to any understanding of modern US political history.
Most historians of the American presidency—walking in lockstep with today’s hard-Left academic establishment—favor presidents who were big-government statists and globalists. They dislike presidents who lowered taxes, protected American workers, and avoided getting the United States entangled in foreign conflicts that had nothing to do with protecting the American people. It is through that prism that they see all of American history. It’s time for a change. Nowadays, with socialism massively discredited and internationalism facing more opposition than it has since before World War II, it’s time to reevaluate what the Leftist historians have told us. Donald Trump was elected president pledging to put America First, as any nation’s leader should put his or her own people first. There needs to be an America-First reevaluation of him and his predecessors. This book, therefore, rates the presidents not on the basis of criteria developed by socialist internationalist historians, but on their fidelity to the United States Constitution and to the powers, and limits to those powers, of the president as delineated by the Founding Fathers. America’s presidents are rated on the extent to which they put America First—not in the sense of a narrow isolationism, but whether they really advanced the interests of the American people. This upends the conventional wisdom about a great deal of American history and present-day reality, and is intended to do so. This book offers what should be the only criteria for rating the occupants of the White House: were they good for America?
World War II transformed Cincinnati from a relatively important but parochial midwestern city into a teeming bastion of military might. While thousands served in the nation's armed forces, others contributed to rationing programs, salvage drives, blackouts and war bond rallies. Scores of community-based programs blossomed as Cincinnatians on the home front threw themselves wholeheartedly into the "total war" that Washington believed necessary for victory. After answering the call to treat domestic duty as seriously as any battleground assignment, the Queen City emerged from the war as utterly changed as the nation itself. Author Robert Miller brings to life this dramatic, patriotic period in Cincinnati's history.
With fresh interpretations from two new authors, wholly reconceived themes, and a wealth of cutting-edge scholarship, the Fifth Edition of America: A Concise History is designed to work perfectly with the way you teach the survey today. Building on the book’s hallmark strengths — balance, explanatory power, and a brief-yet-comprehensive narrative — as well as its outstanding full-color visuals and built-in primary sources, authors James Henretta, Rebecca Edwards, and Robert Self have shaped America into the ideal brief book for the modern survey course, at a value that can’t be beat. Read the preface.
The relationship between straits and interoceanic canals has always been ambiguous. Unlike straits, interoceanic canals are neither natural nor subject to a universal legal regime like the Law of the Sea. However, straits and interoceanic canals share comparable historical experiences due to their geographic similarities. Suspending interest in a purely legal analysis, The Panama Canal lets logic yield to experience and considers the Panama Canal as an “artificial strait.” The volume recasts the dynamic events that have changed the Panama Canal in the context of three interactive elements: environments, flows, and territoriality. Cleverly deciphering from history how changes in one element led to changes in another, The Panama Canal suggests a considerably new perspective for viewing the canal’s past and future.
With fresh interpretations from two new authors, wholly reconceived themes, and a wealth of cutting-edge scholarship, the Fifth Edition of America: A Concise History is designed to work perfectly with the way you teach the survey today. Building on the book’s hallmark strengths—balance, explanatory power, and a brief-yet-comprehensive narrative—as well as its outstanding full-color visuals and built-in primary sources, authors James Henretta, Rebecca Edwards, and Robert Self have shaped America into the ideal brief book for the modern survey course, at a value that can’t be beat.
Volume one of a two-volume biography follows Johnson's life from his childhood on the banks of the Pedernales to his election as vice president under Kennedy.
A collection of essays that reevaluates Richard Neustadt's place in presidential studies and shows that, while Neustadt's classic work remains a beacon for the study of the presidency, it no longer offers a reliable roadmap embodying the consensus among contemporary scholars.
The book provides a comprehensive discussion of the major issues and events surrounding all American presidential elections, from the earliest years of the Republic through the campaign of 2008. Presidential Campaigns, Slogans, Issues, and Platforms: The Complete Encyclopedia is an easy-to-use reference work designed to encourage students and anyone interested in democratic politics to undertake a greater understanding of this complex aspect of American political life. The three-volume work covers each presidential campaign in depth, examining a large number of related issues ranging from the use of social media in modern presidential campaigns to negative campaign ads and key slogans used in every presidential campaign. Volume One contains entries offering specific and focused information on issues, trends, factors, slogans, strategies, and other more detailed elements of presidential campaigning from the first stirrings of the American democratic process to the first decade of the 21st century. Volumes Two and Three provide chronological accounts of every presidential campaign since the ratification of the Constitution through the campaign of 2008, with Volume Two covering the campaign of 1788–89 to the campaign of 1908, and Volume Three covering the campaign of 1912 to the campaign of 2008.
The year was 1932. At age fourteen Robert Beir’s journey through life changed irrevocably when a classmate called him a “dirty Jew.” Suddenly Beir encountered the belligerent poison of anti-Semitism. The safe confines of his upbringing had been violated. The pain that he felt at that moment was far more hurtful than any blow. Its memory would last a lifetime. Beir’s experiences with anti-Semitism served as a microcosm for the anti-Semitism among the majority of Americans. That year, a politician named Franklin Delano Roosevelt ascended to the presidency. Over the next twelve years, he became a scion of optimism and carried a refreshing, unbridled confidence in a nation previously mired in fear and deeply depressed. His policies and ethics saved the capitalist system. His strong leadership and unwavering faith helped to defeat Hitler. The Jews of America revered President Roosevelt. To a young Robert Beir, Roosevelt was an American hero. In mid-life, however, Beir experienced a conflict. New research was questioning Roosevelt’s record regarding the Holocaust. He felt compelled to embark on a historian’s quest, asking only the toughest questions of his childhood hero, including: • How much did President Roosevelt know about the Holocaust? • What could Roosevelt have done? • Why wasn’t there an urgent rescue effort? In answering these questions and others, Robert Beir has done a masterful job. This book is graphically written, well-researched, and provocative. The portrait depicted of a man he once thought to be morally incorruptible amidst a circumstance of moral bankruptcy is truly unforgettable.
In 1941 a young couple met and fell in love; but one of them was considered Black while the other was considered White. Laws against intermarriage between races had been upheld by every court in the United States since Reconstruction, after the Civil War. Andrea and Sylvester - a Mexican-American woman and an African-American man - challenged these laws and won, and their success inspired changes that ended that taboo. When same-sex marriage became a pressing issue, their case was the precedent that first persuaded the courts to allow it. Thus Andrea and Sylvester can be credited with successfully challenging a second marriage taboo. Dodge sets the scene for their personal drama and traces how their example helped establish the momentum toward more liberal marriage laws throughout the United States, culminating with the 2015 Supreme Court's decision to allow same-sex marriage. This is the story of a couple that has received too little attention for the impact they have had on society and law. Andrea, a Mexican girl, met Sylvester, a Black man, working on an assembly line during World War Two. Both were second-generation Los Angeles residents who suffered from discrimination in a city dominated by white superiority and the center of the eugenics movement. This book discusses their case and factors that led to the court decision. Their victory broke the logjam on racial intermarriage, and states began eliminating their prohibitions. After 19 years, the U.S. Supreme Court declared all laws prohibiting interracial marriage invalid. Andrea and Sylvester were soon dating and in love. When they went to get a marriage license, their application was rejected. A quirk in California law declared Mexicans "White" for certain purposes. They challenged the constitutionality of laws preventing marriages between races, though no case had been successful since the 1800s. This book discusses their case and factors that led to the court decision. Their victory broke the logjam on racial intermarriage, and states began eliminating their prohibitions. After 19 years the U.S. Supreme Court declared all laws prohibiting interracial marriage invalid. After the Stonewall riots and when AIDS raised legal questions for many partners, same-sex marriage became an issue for more couples. One response that states commonly gave was to pass laws defining marriage as a contract between a woman and a man; and the federal government adopted this position. Opponents of same-sex marriage frequently said this was a new phenomenon and it involved "unnatural" behavior, though same-sex couples have been known for over 4000 years, and the same had been said of those who advocated interracial marriage. Some blamed natural disasters and war deaths on homosexuals as God’s revenge. Massachusetts was first to declare the law preventing same-sex marriage unconstitutional and the precedent relied on most heavily was the case of Andrea and Sylvester, as their past was revived to challenge a second marriage taboo. California ruled next and again frequently called on Andrea and Sylvester’s case for support. That got things rolling and 37 states have approved same-sex marriage through legislative action or court decision. The US Supreme Court’s decision will determine whether the final 13 also are included. T
Presidential Glimpses Everyone knows George Washington was our first president. But do you know who was the 8th? the 19th? the 34th? What did they do? What kind of people were they? Here you can find out the basic stuff about each of our 44 presidents (to date)-how they got -there-and how they performed. No need to read thick reference books. (But maybe reading this will prompt you to do just that.) Here you will find out fast. Want to know some interesting trivia? Want to know a little more about someone who was just a name in your school studies? Find out about those who have led our nation.
How the history of Texas illuminates America's post–Civil War past Tracing the intersection of religion, race, and power in Texas from Reconstruction through the rise of the Religious Right and the failed presidential bid of Governor Rick Perry, Rough Country illuminates American history since the Civil War in new ways, demonstrating that Texas's story is also America’s. In particular, Robert Wuthnow shows how distinctions between "us" and “them” are perpetuated and why they are so often shaped by religion and politics. Early settlers called Texas a rough country. Surviving there necessitated defining evil, fighting it, and building institutions in the hope of advancing civilization. Religion played a decisive role. Today, more evangelical Protestants live in Texas than in any other state. They have influenced every presidential election for fifty years, mobilized powerful efforts against abortion and same-sex marriage, and been a driving force in the Tea Party movement. And religion has always been complicated by race and ethnicity. Drawing from memoirs, newspapers, oral history, voting records, and surveys, Rough Country tells the stories of ordinary men and women who struggled with the conditions they faced, conformed to the customs they knew, and on occasion emerged as powerful national leaders. We see the lasting imprint of slavery, public executions, Jim Crow segregation, and resentment against the federal government. We also observe courageous efforts to care for the sick, combat lynching, provide for the poor, welcome new immigrants, and uphold liberty of conscience. A monumental and magisterial history, Rough Country is as much about the rest of America as it is about Texas.
This encyclopedia traces the evolution of American workers and labor organizations from pre-Revolutionary America through the present day. In 2001, Robert E. Weir's two-volume Historical Encyclopedia of American Labor was chosen as a New York Public Library Best in Reference selection. Weir recently revised this groundbreaking resource, resulting in content that is more accessible, comprehensive, and timely. The newest edition, Workers in America: A Historical Encyclopedia, features updated entries, recent court cases, a chronology of key events, an enriched index, and an extensive bibliography for additional research. This expansive encyclopedia examines the complete panorama of America's work history, including the historical account of work and workers, the social inequities between the rich and poor, violence in the Labor Movement, and issues of globalization and industrial economics. Organized in two volumes and arranged in A–Z order, the 350 entries span key events, collective actions, pivotal figures, landmark legislation, and important concepts in the world of labor and work.
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