This book situates the origins of American political science in relation to the transatlantic history of liberalism. In a corrective to earlier accounts, it argues that, as political science took shape in the nineteenth century American academy, it did more than express a pre-existing American liberalism. The pioneers of American political science participated in transatlantic networks of intellectual and political elites that connected them directly to the vicissitudes of liberalism in Europe. The book shows how these figures adapted multiple contemporary European liberal arguments to speak to particular challenges of mass democratic politics and large-scale industry as they developed in America. Political science's pioneers in the American academy were thus active agents of the Americanization of liberalism. When political science first secured a niche in the American academy during the antebellum era, it advanced a democratized classical liberal political vision overlapping with the contemporary European liberalism of Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill. As political science expanded during the dramatic growth of university ideals and institutions in the Gilded Age, divergence within its liberalism came to the fore in the area of political economy. In the late-nineteenth century, this divergence was fleshed out into two alternative liberal political visions-progressive liberal and disenchanted classical liberal-with different analyses of democracy and the administrative state. During the early twentieth-century, both visions found expression among early presidents of the new American Political Science Association, and subsequently, within contests over the meaning of 'liberalism' as this term acquired salience in American political discourse. In sum, this book showcases how the history of American political science offers a venue in which we see how a distinct current of mid-nineteenth-century European liberalism was divergently transformed into alternative twentieth-century American liberalisms"--
The Place Names of New Mexico is an invaluable guide to the state's geography and history. It explains more than 7,000 names of features large and small throughout the state--towns, mountains, rivers, canyons, counties, post offices, and even abandoned settlements--as well as providing relevant information about location, history, and current status. The revised edition contains more than fifty expanded and updated entries. The accounts are also journeys into New Mexico's past, offering glimpses of the lives and values of the people who named the place. Humor, tragedy, mystery, and daily life--they can all be found in this book.
Describes the essential elements of the incidents from the Whiskey Rebellion in 1794 to the Reconstruction that followed the Civil War and the ways in which federal military force was applied in each case. Includes: the Fries Rebellion, the Burr Conspiracy, Slave Rebellions, the Nullification Crisis, the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Riots, the 3Buckshot War2, the Patriot War, the Dorr Rebellion, the Army as Posse Comitatus, San Francisco Vigilantes, the Utah Expedition, the Civil War, etc. Extensive bibliography. Index. Full-color and b&w photos and maps.
What is it like to do field biology in a world that exalts experiments and laboratories? How have field biologists assimilated laboratory values and practices, and crafted an exact, quantitative science without losing their naturalist souls? In Landscapes and Labscapes, Robert E. Kohler explores the people, places, and practices of field biology in the United States from the 1890s to the 1950s. He takes readers into the fields and forests where field biologists learned to count and measure nature and to read the imperfect records of "nature's experiments." He shows how field researchers use nature's particularities to develop "practices of place" that achieve in nature what laboratory researchers can only do with simplified experiments. Using historical frontiers as models, Kohler shows how biologists created vigorous new border sciences of ecology and evolutionary biology.
The mountain-top volleys from any scholarly set-to among social historians concerning the elusive roots of American democracy do reach our ears from time to time, and this rather formidable cannonade just may strike off some sparks, although it is hardly leisure reading. The author's efforts seem to have been spurred on by academics past and present (including historians Elkins and McKitrick) who have examined frontier communities and others more current and have concluded that democracy is a process of peaceful decision-making in a self-contained, homogeneous community. Dr. Dykstra, taking umbrage, has moved through the years 1867-1885 in five ""frankly ambitious frontier settlements,"" and has plowed up enough evidence in the social, political, economic, etc. areas to state with confidence that instead of the traditional view of conflict hindering progress, one should brace conflict with cooperation on an equal basis. Conflict, Dykstra insists was ""normal . . . inevitable . . . a format for community decision . . . change."" A shift in focus that just might--in an undoubtedly popular interpretation--cheer our chaotic days. A thorny, difficult book but worthy.
Exploring a critical lesson about our nation that is as timely today as ever, Decade of Disunion shows how the country came apart during the enveloping slavery crisis of the 1850s. The Mexican War brought vast new territories to the United States, which precipitated a growing crisis over slavery. The new territories seemed unsuitable for the type of agriculture that depended on slave labor, but they lay south of the line where slavery was permitted by the 1820 Missouri Compromise. The subject of expanding slavery to the new territories became a flash point between North and South. First came the 1850 compromise legislation, which strengthened the fugitive slave law and outraged the North. Then in 1854, Congress repealed the Missouri Compromise altogether, unleashing a violent conflict in “Bleeding Kansas” over whether that territory would become free or slave. The 1857 Dred Scott decision—abrogating any rights of African Americans, enslaved or free—further outraged the North. And John Brown’s ill-planned 1859 attack at the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry stirred anger and fear throughout the South. Through a decade, South Carolina, whose economy depended heavily on slave labor, struggled over whether to secede in a stand-alone act of defiance or to do so only in conjunction with other states. Meanwhile, Massachusetts became the country’s antislavery epicenter but debated whether the Constitution was worth saving in the effort to abolish bondage. Both states widened the divide between North and South until disunion became inevitable. Then, in December 1860, in the wake of the Lincoln election, South Carolina finally seceded, leading the South out of the Union. Beginning with the deaths of the great second-generation figures of American history—Calhoun, Webster, and Clay—Decade of Disunion tells the story of this great American struggle through the aims, fears, and maneuvers of the subsequent prominent figures at the center of the drama, with particular attention to the key players from Massachusetts and South Carolina. This history is a sobering reminder that democracy is not self-sustaining—it must be constantly and carefully tended.
Fort Meade was the home of the famous Seventh Cavalry after its ignominious defeat in the Battle of the Little Bighorn. Troops from Fort Meade played a pivotal role in the events that led to the tragedy at Wounded Knee in 1890. It was the scene of imprisonment of Ute Indians who made the mistake of interpreting their new citizenship status as freedom from government control. The fort survived the mechanization of the horse cavalry, aided the record-breaking Stratosphere Balloon flight of 1935, and became a training site for the nation’s first airborne troops. Fort Meade existed for sixty-six years, from 1878 to 1944. Robert Lee examines the strategic importance of its location on the northern edge of the Black Hills and the role it played in the settlement of the region, as well as the role played by the citizens of Sturgis in keeping it alive. One of the chief delights of Fort Meade and the Black Hills is a gallery of characters including the unfortunate Major Marcus Reno, the beautiful and fatal Ella Sturgis, and the cigar-smoking Poker Alice Tubbs. They, and events scaled to their larger-than-life size, are part of this long overdue story of Fort Meade.
“A lively read about the cracks in the system. What’s more, it offers some good ideas for how we might go about fixing them.” —Jelani Cobb, The New Yorker While many Americans despair of the current state of US politics, most assume that our system of government and democracy itself are invulnerable to decay. Yet when we examine the past, we find that the United States has undergone repeated crises of democracy, from the earliest days of the republic to the present. In Four Threats, Suzanne Mettler and Robert C. Lieberman explore five moments in history when democracy in the US was under siege: the 1790s, the Civil War, the Gilded Age, the Depression, and Watergate. These episodes risked profound—even fatal—damage to the American democratic experiment. From this history, four distinct characteristics of disruption emerge. Political polarization, racism and nativism, economic inequality, and excessive executive power—alone or in combination—have threatened the survival of the republic, but it has survived—so far. What is unique, and alarming, about the present moment in American politics is that all four conditions exist. This convergence marks the contemporary era as a grave moment for democracy. By revisiting how earlier generations of Americans faced threats to the principles enshrined in the Constitution, we can see the promise and the peril that have led us to today and chart a path toward repairing and renewing democracy. “Truly splendid, even brilliant.” —Sanford Levinson, University of Texas School of Law “Bracing, well-informed history.” —Publishers Weekly “We recommend this book to all citizens concerned about the fate of American democracy.” —Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, bestselling authors of How Democracies Die
Examines the history of evolutionism in cultural anthropology, beginning with its roots in the 19th century, through the half-century of anti-evolutionism, to its reemergence in the 1950s, and the current perspectives on it today. No other book covers the subject so fully or over such a long period of time.. Evolutionism and Cultural Anthropology traces the interaction of evolutionary thought and anthropological theory from Herbert Spencer to the twenty-first century. It is a focused examination of how the idea of evolution has continued to provide anthropology with a master principle around which a vast body of data can be organized and synthesized. Erudite and readable, and quoting extensively from early theorists (such as Edward Tylor, Lewis Henry Morgan, John McLennan, Henry Maine, and James Frazer) so that the reader might judge them on the basis of their own words, Evolutionism and Cultural Anthropology is useful reading for courses in anthropological theory and the history of anthropology. 0813337666 Evolutionism in Cultural Anthropology : a Critical History
Thomas Crawford (1813–1857) was the first American sculptor to study in Italy for an extended period of time. There, along with other artists—Greenough, Story, and Powers—he was part of a group that made prolific contributions to American neoclassical art. He is best known as the sculptor of much of the statuary and bas-reliefs of our nationÆs Capitol: the pediment figures over the Senate and of the House of Representatives, and the bronze Freedom atop the CapitolÆs dome. In writing this biography, Robert Gale was given exclusive access to all of CrawfordÆs personal papers by the sculptorÆs granddaughter. An appendix lists extant works of Crawford and where they are found, and several plates illustrate his sculpture.
“The lively story of the Civil War’s most unlikely—and most uncelebrated—genius” (The Wall Street Journal)—General Montgomery C. Meigs, who built the Union Army and was judged by Abraham Lincoln, William Seward, and Edwin Stanton to be the indispensable architect of the Union victory. Born to a well-to-do, connected family in 1816, Montgomery C. Meigs graduated from West Point as an engineer. He helped build America’s forts and served under Lt. Robert E. Lee to make navigation improvements on the Mississippi River. As a young man, he designed the Washington aqueducts in a city where people were dying from contaminated water. He built the spectacular wings and the massive dome of the brand new US Capitol. Introduced to President Lincoln by Secretary of State William Seward, Meigs became Lincoln’s Quartermaster, in charge of supplies. It was during the Civil War that Meigs became a national hero. He commanded Ulysses S. Grant’s base of supplies that made Union victories, including Gettysburg, possible. He sustained Sherman’s army in Georgia, and the March to the Sea. After the war, Meigs built Arlington Cemetery (on land that had been Robert E. Lee’s home). Civil War historian James McPherson calls Meigs “the unsung hero of northern victory,” and Robert O’Harrow Jr.’s biography of the victorious general who was never on the battlefield tells the full dramatic story of this fierce, strong, honest, loyal, forward-thinking figure. “An excellent biography…O’Harrow’s thorough, masterfully crafted, and impeccable researched biography is destined to become the authoritative volume on Meigs” (The Civil War Monitor).
The heart of Between God and Gold can be located in the survey of three representative nineteenth-century Evangelical figures: evangelist Charles Finney, scholar Francis Wayland, and philanthropist/clergyman Russell Conwell. The lives and thought of these notables are unfolded concretely, thereby showing how the Evangelical-Industrial synthesis occurred. Wauzzinski concludes the book by suggesting theological and economic alternatives, hoping to show in these examples that a third way between capitalism and socialism can be found. These possibilities are drawn from theoretical and practical sources and thus provide opportunities for greater social revitalization. An interdisciplinary methodology is employed throughout this work. The author works from the assumption that various fields of study, while analytically separated, do manifest a fundamental coherence.
During the 1920s a new generation of American sociologists tried to make their discipline more objective by adopting the methodology of the natural sciences. Robert Bannister provides the first comprehensive account of the emergence of this "objectivism" within the matrix of the evolutionism of Lester Ward and other founders of American sociology. Objectivism meant confining inquiry to the observable externals of social behavior and quantifying the results. Although objectivism was a marked departure from the theoretical and reformist sociology of the prewar years, and caused often-fierce intergenerational struggle, sociological objectivism had roots deep in prewar sociology. Objectivism first surfaced in the work of sociology's "second generation," the most prominent members of which completed their graduate work prior to World War I. It gradually took shape in what may be termed "realist" and "nominalist" variants, the first represented by Luther Lee Bernard and the second by William F. Ogburn and F. Stuart Chapin. For Bernard, a scientific sociology was radical, prescribing absolute standards for social policy. For Ogburn and Chapin, it was essentially statistical and advisory in the sense that experts would concern themselves exclusively with means rather than ends. Although the objectivists differed among themselves, they together precipitated battles within the American Sociological Society during the 1930s that challenged the monopoly of the Chicago School, paving the way for the informal alliance of Parsonian theorists and a new generation of quantifiers that dominated the profession throughout the 1950s. By shedding new light on the careers of Ward and the other founders and by providing original accounts of the careers of the leading objectivists, Bannister presents a unique look at the course of sociology before and after World War I. He puts theory formation in an institutional, ideological, and biographical setting, and thus offers an unparalleled look at the formation of a modern academic profession.
Global, interdisciplinary, and engaging, this textbook integrates materials from philosophical and biological origins to the historical development of psychology. Its extensive coverage of women, minorities, and psychologists around the world emphasizes psychology as a global phenomenon while looking at both local and worldwide issues. This perspective highlights the relationship between psychology and the environmental context in which the discipline developed. In tracing psychology from its origins in early civilizations, ancient philosophy, and religions to modern science, technology, and applications, this book integrates overarching psychological principles and ideas that have shaped the global history of psychology, keeping an eye toward the future of psychology. Updated and revised throughout, this new edition also includes a new chapter on clinical psychology.
American Sociological Theory: A Critical History discusses the history of American sociological theory by providing a selective and critical account of ten writers largely involved in the subject. Chapters 1 to 10 of this book are devoted to the contributions and investigations of ten acclaimed sociological theorists— William Graham Sumner, Lester Frank Ward, Charles Horton Cooley, Edward Alsworth Ross, Florian Znaniecki, Robert Morrison Maclver, Pitirim A. Sorokin, George A. Lundberg, Talcott Parsons, and Robert K. Merton. The sociological label, legacy of Spencer, normative taboo, American references, and the ""Holy Trinity"" (Marx, Durkheim, and Weber) are also elaborated in this text. This publication is a good reference for students and researchers conducting work on general sociological theory.
“Chronicles some of Capitol Hill’s most legendary scandals, ranging from duels to murder to sex” (Roll Call). Local historian and Walking Shtick tour guide Robert S. Pohl brings us Wicked Capitol Hill. Pohl includes such historic crimes as the affair between the congressman and the Capitol Hill cobbler’s daughter that ended in murder at the hands of the press. Tales range from the backrooms of Congress and the docks of the Naval Yard to the bars of 8th Street and the grave of an infamous madam buried at the Congressional Cemetery. Pohl balances the tales between those of government officials misbehaving on the Hill and of truly local crimes. Includes photos!
This fascinating account tells what the Sioux were like when they first came to their reservation and how their reaction to the new system eventually led to the last confrontation between the Army and the Sioux at the Battle of Wounded Knee Creek. A classic work, it is now available with a new preface by the author that discusses his current thoughts about a tragic episode in American history that has raised much controversy through the years. Praise for the earlier edition: "History as lively and gripping as good fiction." "One of the finest books on the Indian wars of the West."--Montana "A well-told, easily read account that will be the standard reference for this phase of the Indian 'problem.'"--American Historical Review "A major job . . . magnificently researched."--San Francisco Chronicle "By far the best treatment of the complex and controversial relationship between the Sioux and their conquerors yet presented and should be must reading for serious students of Western Americana."--St. Louis Dispatch (on the earlier edition) Winner of the Buffalo Award
Nine papers consider problems in American, French, and British history that range from economic history to political behavior and social structure. Originally published in 1972. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
More than any other single group of individuals, the Boston Associates were responsible for the sweeping economic transformation that occurred in New England between 1815 and 1861. Through the use of the corporate form, they established an extensive network of modern business enterprises that were among the largest of the time. Their most notable achievement was the development of the Waltham-Lowell system in the textile industry, but they were also active in transportation, banking, and insurance, and at the same time played a major role in philanthropy and politics. Evaluating each of these efforts in turn and placing the Associates in the context of the society and culture that produced them, the author convincingly explains the complex motives that led the group to undertake initiatives on so many different fronts. Dalzell shows that men like Francis Cabot Lowell, Nathan Appleton, and Amos and Abbott Lawrence are best understood as transitional figures. Although they used modern methods when it suited their interest, they were most concerned with protecting the positions they had already won at the top of a traditional social order. Thus, for all the innovations they sponsored, their commitment to change remained both partial and highly selective. And while something very like an industrial revolution did occur in New England during the nineteenth century, paradoxically the Associates neither sought nor welcomed it. On the contrary, as time passed they became increasingly preoccupied with combating the forces of change. In addition to the light it sheds on a crucial chapter of business history, this gracefully written study offers fresh insights into the role and attitudes of elites during the period. Furthermore it contradicts some of the prevailing thought about entrepreneurial behavior in the early phases of industrialization in America.
Authority and the Liberal Tradition critically describes the historical foundations of modem liberalism, implicitly analyzing the status and effectiveness of American democracy. Heineman examines contemporary liberal ideology, which he argues undermines the normative basis of social stability that was an Important element in the classical liberal tradition. Heineman shows how American government has become hostage to ideology, to the advocacy of interest-group politics. Placing major Anglo-American thinkers from Hobbes to Rorty in their social contexts, Heineman traces the liberal intellectual perspective as it has evolved from the integration of culture and philosophy. He illustrates how the disjunction of theory and culture now weakens liberal thought as a foundation for effective government. Instead, he proposes returning to a philosophical position that consciously relies on community traditions and values, which can support democratic ideology. Authority and the Liberal Tradition is especially timely at this juncture In American history, as fragmentation of the national policy process threatens government's ability to cope with major problems. This second edition includes two chapters of entirely new material: “Liberal Ideology in a Conservative Nation” and "The Dialogue of Modem Liberalism.” It will be of interest to political scientists, social theorists, and philosophers.
This dynamic and comprehensive text from nationally renowned scholars continues to demonstrate the profound influence African Americans have had -- and continue to have -- on American politics. Through the use of two interrelated themes -- the idea of universal freedom and the concept of minority-majority coalitions -- the text demonstrates how the presence of Africans in the United States affected the founding of the Republic and its political institutions and processes. The authors show that through the quest for their own freedom in the United States, African Americans have universalized and expanded the freedoms of all Americans. New to the Eighth Edition A new co-author, Sherri L. Wallace, is renowned for her teaching, scholarship, and participation in APSA’s American government textbook assessment for coverage of race, ethnicity, and gender. She is the perfect addition following an election year that included female presidential candidates as well as candidates of color and issues focusing on racial tension and inequality. Offers a new Media Integration Guide for the first time. Provides the first overall assessment of the Obama administration in relation to domestic and foreign policy and racial politics in particular. Updated through the 2016 elections, connecting the Obama years with the new administration. Looks at candidates Hillary Clinton and Ben Carson in particular in relation to the themes of the book. Adds a new section on State Politics and Elections. Includes new sections on intersectionality dealing with issues of race, gender and sexuality; LGBT issues as another manifestation of the struggle for universal freedom; a discussion of the "Black Lives Matter" movement; and a new section focusing on the changing character of black ethnicity as result of increased immigration from Africa and the Caribbean. Discusses the way in which race contributed to the polarization of American politics; the connections to the Tea Party; and the Obama Presidency and the 2016 presidential campaign as the most polarized since the advent of polling. Previews the impact of the Trump Administration on matters of race and ethnicity.
This dynamic and comprehensive text from two nationally renowned scholars continues to demonstrate the profound influence African Americans have had -- and continue to have -- on American politics. Through the use of two interrelated themes -- the idea of universal freedom and the concept of minority-majority coalitions -- the text demonstrates how the presence of Africans in the United States affected the founding of the Republic and its political institutions and processes. The authors show that through the quest for their own freedom in the United States, African Americans have universalized and expanded the freedoms of all Americans.
This A-to-Z volume examines the role of African Americans in the political process from the early days of the American Revolution to the present. Focusing on basic political ideas, court cases, laws, concepts, ideologies, institutions, and political processes, this book covers all facets of African Americans in American government. Written by a nationally renowned scholar in the field, the Encyclopedia of African-American Politics, Third Edition will enlighten readers to the struggles and triumphs of African Americans in the American political system. Entries include: Abolitionist Movement African immigrants Barack Obama Black Lives Matter Black Panther Party Civil Rights Act of 1964 Emancipation Proclamation "Forty Acres and a Mule" Freedmen's Bureau Hurricane Katrina Institutional racism Integrationism Juneteenth Lynching Malcolm X Million Man March Raphael Warnock
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