President Clinton and other U.S. officials have warned that "rogue states" pose a major threat to international peace in the post-Cold War era. But what exactly is a rogue state? Does the concept foster a sound approach to foreign policy, or is it, in the end, no more than a counterproductive political epithet? Robert Litwak traces the origins and development of rogue state policy and then assesses its efficacy through detailed case studies of Iraq, Iran, and North Korea. He shows that the policy is politically selective, inhibits the ability of U.S. policymakers to adapt to changed conditions, and has been rejected by the United States' major allies. Litwak concludes that by lumping and demonizing a disparate group of countries, the rogue state approach obscures understanding and distorts policymaking. In place of a generic and constricting strategy, he argues for the development of "differentiated" strategies of containment, tailored to the particular circumstances within individual states.
The 9/11 terrorist attacks starkly recast the U.S. debate on "rogue states." In this new era of vulnerability, should the United States counter the dangers of weapons proliferation and state-sponsored terrorism by toppling regimes or by promoting change in the threatening behavior of their leaders? Regime Change examines the contrasting precedents set with Iraq and Libya and provides incisive analysis of the pressing crises with North Korea and Iran. A successor to the author's influential Rogue States and U.S. Foreign Policy (2000), this compelling book clarifies and critiques the terms in which today's vital foreign policy and security debate is being conducted.
Offering a fresh and challenging interpretation of the Nixon-Kissinger foreign policy in both historical and conceptual terms, Litwak focuses on the relationship between its two central elements: The United States-Soviet detente and the Nixon Doctrine, which provided the basis not only for the subsequent American withdrawal from Vietnam, but also for United States security policy toward the Third World in general.
Set against a backdrop of terrorism, rogue states, non-conventional warfare, and deteriorating diplomacy, this encyclopedia offers a comprehensive, multidisciplinary, up-to-date reference on the recent history and contemporary practice of arms control and nonproliferation. Arms Control: History, Theory, and Policy features in-depth, expert analysis and information on the full spectrum of issues relating to this critical topic. The first major reference on arms control in over a decade, the two-volume set covers historical context, contemporary challenges, and emerging approaches to diplomacy and human rights. Noted experts provide a full spectrum of perspectives on arms control, offering insightful analysis of arms-control agreements and the people and institutions behind them. Volume 1 provides an accessible historical overview of the subject and a more detailed conceptual analysis of the foundations of arms control. Volume 2 covers the contemporary and practical issues of arms control, focusing on global issues that arms control advocates have been forced to address with varying degrees of success: a burgeoning international trade in conventional weapons; a closely related flood of small arms and light weapons used to fuel intrastate conflicts and even genocide; and the spread of nuclear weapons to potentially unstable regions of the world.
The United States today is the most powerful nation in the world, perhaps even stronger than Rome was during its heyday. It is likely to remain the world's preeminent power for at least several decades to come. What behavior is appropriate for such a powerful state? To answer this question, Robert J. Art concentrates on "grand strategy"—the deployment of military power in both peace and war to support foreign policy goals.He first defines America's contemporary national interests and the specific threats they face, then identifies seven grand strategies that the United States might contemplate, examining each in relation to America's interests. The seven are:• dominion—forcibly trying to remake the world in America's own image;• global collective security—attempting to keep the peace everywhere;• regional collective security—confining peacekeeping efforts to Europe;• cooperative security—seeking to reduce the occurrence of war by limiting other states' offensive capabilities;• isolationism—withdrawing from all military involvement beyond U.S. borders;• containment—holding the line against aggressor states; and• selective engagement—choosing to prevent or to become involved only in those conflicts that pose a threat to the country's long-term interests.Art makes a strong case for selective engagement as the most desirable strategy for contemporary America. It is the one that seeks to forestall dangers, not simply react to them; that is politically viable, at home and abroad; and that protects all U.S. interests, both essential and desirable. Art concludes that "selective engagement is not a strategy for all times, but it is the best grand strategy for these times.
The world is currently undergoing tumultuous political upheaval. Recent events have even been taken to indicate that the Cold War is almost over. But the nuclear threat, informed by a deeply rooted history of nuclear thinking, remains.
This text considers the importance of various factors which influenced the policies of each country during the Cold War including strategic considerations, domestic politics and ideology.
Since September 2001, the United States has waged what the government initially called the global war on terrorism (GWOT). Beginning in late 2005 and early 2006, the term Long War began to appear in U.S. security documents such as the National Security Council's National Strategy for Victory in Iraq and in statements by the U.S. Secretary of Defense and the Chairman of the JCS. The description Long War—unlimited in time and space and continuing for decades—is closer to reality and more useful than GWOT. Colonel Robert Cassidy argues that this protracted struggle is more correctly viewed as a global insurgency and counterinsurgency. Al Qaeda and its affiliates, he maintains, comprise a novel and evolving form of networked insurgents who operate globally, harnessing the advantages of globalization and the information age. They employ terrorism as a tactic, subsuming terror within their overarching aim of undermining the Western-dominated system of states. Placing the war against al Qaeda and its allied groups and organizations in the context of a global insurgency has vital implications for doctrine, interagency coordination, and military cultural change-all reviewed in this important work. Cassidy combines the foremost maxims of the most prominent Western philosopher of war and the most renowned Eastern philosopher of war to arrive at a threefold theme: know the enemy, know yourself, and know what kind of war you are embarking upon. To help readers arrive at that understanding, he first offers a distilled analysis of al Qaeda and its associated networks, with a particular focus on ideology and culture. In subsequent chapters, he elucidates the challenges big powers face when they prosecute counterinsurgencies, using historical examples from Russian, American, British, and French counterinsurgent wars before 2001. The book concludes with recommendations for the integration and command and control of indigenous forces and other agencies.
With its careful balance of the social and political dimensions of the American past, "America Past and Present, Sixth Edition, Volume Two" helps readers grasp the scope and the complexity of American history since 1865. This book integrates political, diplomatic, social, cultural and economic history into one rich narrative that tells the story of all Americans-whites, blacks, Native Americans, Hispanics, women, politicians, business leaders, and the everyday person on the street. For anyone interested in American history since 1865.
Strategy through the Prism of 9/11 (2007), explores this significant policy adjustment and raises questions about its feasibility and its possible consequences. Do international norms apply only to states’ external behavior, as it might relate, for example, to nuclear proliferation and terrorism, or do they matter no less for states’ internal behavior, as it might affect a population’s human rights? What is the appropriate role for the United States in the process of reintegration? America’s military power remains unmatched, but can the nation any longer shape singlehandedly an increasingly multi-polar international system? What do the precedents set in Iraq and Libya teach us about how current outliers can be integrated into the international community? And perhaps most important, how should the United States respond if outlier regimes eschew integration as a threat to their survival and continue to augment their nuclear capabilities?
Woodrow Wilson Center Press / Johns Hopkins University Press
Published Date
ISBN 10
1421408120
ISBN 13
9781421408125
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