Our narrower obligations often blind us to larger social responsibilities. The moral claims arising out of special relationships—family, friends, colleagues, and so on—always seem to take priority. Strangers ordinarily get, and ordinarily are thought to deserve, only what is left over. Robert E. Goodin argues that this is morally mistaken. In Protecting the Vulnerable, he presents a comprehensive theory of responsibility based on the concept of vulnerability. Since the range of people vulnerable to our actions or choices extends beyond those to whom we have made specific commitments (promises, vows, contracts), we must recognize a much more extensive network of obligations and moral claims. State welfare services, for example, are morally on a par with the services we render to family and friends. The same principle widens our international, intergenerational, and interpersonal responsibilities as well as our duties toward animals and natural environments. This book, written with keen intelligence and unfailing common sense, opens up new perspectives on issues central to public policy and of critical concern to philosophers and social scientists as well as to politicians, lawyers and social workers.
How can citizens best protect themselves from the arbitrary power of abusive spouses, tyrannical bosses, and corrupt politicians? Exit Left makes the case that in each of these three spheres the answer is the same: exit. By promoting open and competitive markets and providing the information and financial resources necessary to enable exit, the book argues that this can empower people's voices and offer them an escape from abuse and exploitation. This will advance a conception of freedom, viz. freedom as non-domination (FND), which is central to contemporary republican thought. Neo-republicans have typically promoted FND through constitutional means (separation of powers, judicial review, the rule of law, and federalism) and participatory ones (democratic elections and oversight), but this book focuses on economic means, ones that have been neglected by contemporary republicans but were commonly invoked in the older, commercial-republican tradition of Alexander Hamilton, Immanuel Kant, and Adam Smith. Just as Philip Pettit and other neo-republicans have revived and revised classical republicanism, so this book will do the same for commercial republicanism. This revival will enlarge republican practice by encouraging greater use of market mechanisms, even as it hews closely to existing republican theory.
Democracy used to be seen as a relatively mechanical matter of merely adding up everyone's votes in free and fair elections. That mechanistic model has many virtues, among them allowing democracy to 'track the truth', where purely factual issues are all that is at stake. Political disputes invariably mix facts with values, however, and then it is essential to listen to what people are saying rather than merely note how they are voting. The great challenge is how to implement that deliberative ideal among millions of people at once. In this strikingly original book, Goodin offers a solution: 'democratic deliberation within'. Building on models of ordinary conversational dynamics, he suggests that people simply imagine themselves in the position of various other people they have heard or read about and ask, 'What would they say about this proposal?' Informing the democratic imaginary then becomes the key to making deliberations more reflective - more empathetic, more considered, more expansive across time and distance. Oxford Political Theory presents the best new work in contemporary political theory. It is intended to be broad in scope, including original contributions to political philosophy, and also work in applied political theory. The series contains works of outstanding quality with no restriction as to approach or subject matter.
Democracy has many attractive features. Among them is its tendency to track the truth, at least under certain idealized assumptions. That basic result has been known since 1785, when Condorcet published his famous jury theorem. But that theorem has typically been dismissed as little more than a mathematical curiosity, with assumptions too restrictive for it to apply to the real world. In An Epistemic Theory of Democracy, Goodin and Spiekermann propose different ways of interpreting voter independence and competence to make jury theorems more generally applicable. They go on to assess a wide range of familiar political practices and alternative institutional arrangements, to determine what constellation of them might most fully exploit the truth-tracking potential of majoritarian democracy. The book closes with a discussion of how epistemic democracy might be undermined, using as case studies the Trump and Brexit campaigns.
The Principles of Social Policy provides a powerful exposition of policy making in the contemporary nation state. Social policies are shaped by prevailing political beliefs and values and they are made tangible in the form of overarching policy objectives. These may include, for example, the promotion of equality, the securing of justice or the preservation of liberty. In this text the key principles that underpin social policy in Western democracies are identified and scrutinised in clear, jargon-free language. The aims of this ground breaking text are clearly reflected in its structure. Opening chapters explore the multi-dimensional nature of the values and principles that stand behind political thought. Following this, a discussion of concepts such as equality, justice and freedom reveals the importance of values and principles in shaping the contours of social policy. In conclusion the centrality of the influence of key principles is examined as theoretical ideas introduced earlier in the book are related to the development of policy and practice in real society. This raises questions about the future of social policy and the serious implications for welfare in a fast changing world. This will be essential reading for students of social policy, applied social studies, politics and other courses concerned with the role of government and the provision of public services.
Has the United States become more pluribus than unum? In terms of the nation's political beliefs, Robert Booth Fowler answers both yes and no. While his study affirms significant diversity among an elite cadre of public intellectuals, it vigorously denies it in a general public that collectively adheres to the same set of liberal core values. Enduring Liberalism pursues two objectives. One, it explores the political thought of public intellectuals and the general public since the 1960s. Two, it assesses contemporary and classic interpretations of American political thought in light of the study's findings. Fowler interprets the writings of public intellectuals like Robert Bellah, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Michael Walzer, William Bennett, Seymour Martin Lipset, William Galston, and others, as well as survey data of American political attitudes, to spotlight this oft-ignored divide between citizens and high-profile commentators, whose contentious debates are mistakenly assumed to reflect countrywide rifts. Fowler's argument is straightforward, but the interpretation is controversial. He recounts how the consensus liberal view in post-World War II American political thought collapsed among public intellectuals during the tumult of the 1960s and remains so to this day. His book examines the resultant diversity among contemporary public intellectuals, focusing on three predominant themes: concern for community, worry about the environment, and interest in civil society. In marked contrast to these disputatious commentators, Fowler finds the realm of popular opinion to be characterized by much greater consensus. Indeed, there seems to be a trend toward an even more general embrace of the liberal values that characterize our attitudes toward the individual, individual liberty, political equality, economic opportunity, and consent of the governed. Liberal values-above all the celebration of the individual and individual rights-have revolutionized the so-called private realms of life like family and religious communities to an extent unimagined in the 1950s. From these conclusions, Fowler demonstrates that most interpretations of American political thinking have exaggerated the extent of conflict and diversity in our nation's often raucous policy disputes. But he also cautions us not to overstate the public's widely shared liberal values and, by doing so, miss opportunities to facilitate problem solving or to recognize the ways in which our reform efforts may be constrained.
In a culture that worships ceaseless striving, ""settling"" seems like giving up. But is it? On Settling defends the positive value of settling, explaining why this disdained practice is not only more realistic but more useful than an excessive ideal of striving. In fact, the book makes the case that we'd all be lost without settling--and that even to strive, one must first settle ..."--Book jacket flap.
This succinct but comprehensive textbook leads students through the various aspects of their politics and IR degree. It includes a clear overview of the issues, theories, methods and controversies with which scholars across the discipline have engaged alongside guidance on research and study skills such as critical thinking, distinguishing facts from values and academic reading. Furthermore, it helps students to prepare for a career and a lifetime's interest and involvement in politics. From pre-course reading, to core text on introductory politics and IR modules, to handy reference guide across a degree program, this Companion provides a one-stop resource, packed with tips for succeeding at university and beyond. Drawing on a wide range of international examples and written accessibly with no expectation of prior familiarity with the subject it will appeal to students across the world. New to this Edition: - Thoroughly revised and updated with the help of new co-author Simon Lightfoot - Coverage of International Relations and Political Economy has been significantly expanded to reflect the ever-changing nature of degree programmes in Political Science - Sections on study skills have been extended and linked more specifically to the demands of Politics and IR
Wilbur Schramm and Noam Chomsky Meet Harold Innis is an original, critical, in-depth analysis of the media and communication thought of Canada’s most highly acclaimed scholar, Harold Adams Innis. Even in Canada, however, Innis’s writings until now have been only partially cited and interpreted: Innis is usually stereotyped as being merely an economic historian fixated on previous civilizations, whereas in fact he was an astute analyst whose main concerns were with present problems and future trajectories. In the United States, meanwhile, Innis’s media and communication writings have been quite neglected and even denigrated. Drawing on Innis’s less frequently cited work, including his long neglected Political Economy in the Modern State, Robert Babe opens up Innis’s media scholarship as a whole,unfolding it in startling critical, yet ultimately appreciative ways. By comparing Innis’s media scholarship with Wilbur Schramm's and Noam Chomsky's, moreover, Babe tests the claims, positions, and modes of analysis not only of Innis, but also of the other two celebrated scholars as well, casting new light on their works and allowing the reader to imagine what sort of discourses might have been possible had the three been in conversation together. Wilbur Schramm and Noam Chomsky Meet Harold Innis provides comparative insight into foundational media scholarship in the United States and Canada, and explores in some detail the relevance of Innis for twenty-first century digitized society.
This widely-praised book is built around seven core principles that provide a framework for the many voices calling for the reaffirmation of democratic values,citizenship, and service in the public interest. This edition includes a brand new chapter that provides action recommendations for putting these values into practice, as well as current examples of how these ideas have been put to use in the real world.
Contemporary intellectuals have rushed to embrace the concept of "community." What does this tell us about American political thought? Why are intellectuals uneasy with modern liberal individualism and its institutional policy results? Why is political intellectual discourse dominated today by complaint? In The Dance with Community Robert Booth Fowler reflects upon these and related questions. "My goal," he writes, "is to present contemporary political thought about community for what it is a conversation interactive, spirited, and sometimes tough." There have been many interpretations of the much-discussed decline in community spirit. Rather than offer another, Fowler steps back to look at the debate itself. He examines from the perspective of an intellectual historian the attention to community in current American political thought and explores the setting of that attention. He also identifies five alternative models of community integral to the current debates and sketches a clear image of each--its relationship to others, the logic of its appeal, and its emphases and problems. In each instance he places the model into the larger conversation over alternative communities and the value of community itself.
In this book, Robert C. Smith presents a philosophical and empirical examination on the subordination of women and blacks in the United States. Comparing liberalism—specifically the major social contract philosophies—and Marxism on the nature of the subordination of blacks and women and their proposals, if any, for women’s and black liberation, Smith argues that sexual and racial equalitarianism in the United States is about politics and power. He begins with a discussion of the multiple meanings of politics and its relationship to power, and an analysis of nine power bases blacks and women should acquire and manipulate in order to advance a moral and substantive equalitarianism. These power bases include money, knowledge (including technology and information), religion, morality, authority, size/solidarity, charisma, violence and status. Smith concludes by making a moral case for racial and sexual equalitarianism and advocates for black leadership to use the power bases available to it to make reparations for the civil rights issue of the 21st century. Power, Philosophy and Egalitarianism is an essential read for all those interested in race, women and politics today.
Engaging Political Philosophy introduces readers to the central problems of political philosophy. Presuming no prior work in the area, the book explores the fundamental philosophical questions regarding freedom, authority, justice, and democracy. More than a survey of the central figures and texts, Engaging Political Philosophy takes readers on a philosophical exploration of the core of the field, directly examining the arguments and concepts that drive the contemporary debates. Thus the fundamental issues of political philosophy are encountered first-hand, rather than through intermediary summaries of the major texts and theories. As a result, readers are introduced to political philosophy by doing philosophy. Written in a conversational style, Engaging Political Philosophy is accessible to students and general readers. Instructors can use it in the classroom as a stand-alone textbook, a complement to a standard collection of historical readings, or as a primer to be studied in preparation for contemporary readings.
Why We Fought is a timely and provocative analysis that examines why Americans really chose to sacrifice and commit themselves to World War II. Unlike other depictions of the patriotic “greatest generation,” Westbrook argues that, strictly speaking, Americans in World War II were not instructed to fight, work, or die for their country—above all, they were moved by private obligations. Finding political theory in places such as pin-ups of Betty Grable, he contends that more often than not Americans were urged to wage war as fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, lovers, sons, daughters, and consumers, not as citizens. The thinness of their own citizenship contrasted sharply with the thicker political culture of the Japanese, which was regarded with condescending contempt and even occasionally wistful respect. Why We Fought is a profound and skillful assessment of America's complex political beliefs and the peculiarities of its patriotism. While examining the history of American beliefs about war and citizenship, Westbrook casts a larger light on what it means to be an American, to be patriotic, and to willingly go to war.
Jane Austen significantly shaped the development of the English novel, and her works continue to be read widely today. Though she is best known for her novels, Sense and Sensibility, Pride and Prejudice, Mansfield Park, Emma, Northanger Abbey, and Persuasion, she also wrote poems, letters, prayers and various pieces of juvenalia. These writings have been attracting the attention of scholars; her major works have already generated a large body of scholarly and critical studies. This reference is a guide to her works and the response to them. Austen's works are fraught with ambiguity. Because she was adept at displaying numerous aspects of an issue, her writings invite multiple interpretations. In light of the ambiguity of her texts, each of her major works is approached from a reader-response perspective, in which an expert contributor illuminates the reader's relationship to her writing. And because so many readers have had such varied responses to her novels, the volume also includes chapters summarizing the critical response to each of her major works. In addition, the book includes separate chapters on her poems, letters, and prayers.
Corporate Political Behavior centers on why corporations do what they do in politics. The text draws upon insights from the author’s forty years of government and political experience—insights placed within an operating framework grounded in the political science and strategic issue management disciplines. Robert Healy argues that corporate political behavior results from the interplay of behavioral drivers—commercial objectives, competitive political advantage, corporate political culture and leadership—and behavioral enablers—political capital, corporate political reputation, corporate campaign financing, and corporate political clout. This interplay all functions within a three-world environment: market, non-market, and internal corporate. The book examines how these factors structure a firm’s political positioning, its business-political strategies, and its political behavior as it seeks to attain its marketplace goals. The text features in-chapter side bars— events, or circumstances or political happenings of which the author either knew or participated—along with longer mini-cases in which the author also participated or was consulted. Each chapter concludes with a summary and takeaway points. Corporate Political Behavior will be applicable to courses in political science and in business school courses on strategic issue management, policy construction, corporate agency and corporate strategy, as well as of interest to corporations and practitioners.
In recent years democratic theory has taken a deliberative turn. Instead of merely casting the occasional ballot, deliberative democrats want citizens to reason together. They embrace 'talk as a decision procedure'. But of course thousands or millions of people cannot realistically talk to one another all at once. When putting their theories into practice, deliberative democrats therefore tend to focus on 'mini-publics', usually of a couple dozen to a couple hundred people. The central question then is how to connect micro-deliberations in mini-publics to the political decision-making processes of the larger society. In Innovating Democracy, Robert Goodin surveys these new deliberative mechanisms, asking how they work and what we can properly expect of them. Much though they have to offer, they cannot deliver all that deliberative democrats hope. Talk, Goodin concludes, is good as discovery procedure but not as a decision procedure. His slogan is, 'First talk, then vote'. Micro-deliberative mechanisms should supplement, not supplant, representative democracy. Goodin goes on to show how to adapt our thinking about those familiar institutions to take full advantage of deliberative inputs. That involves rethinking who should get a say, how we hold people accountable, how we sequence deliberative moments and what the roles of parties and legislatures can be in that. Revisioning macro-democratic processes in light of the processes and promise of micro-deliberation, Innovating Democracy provides an integrated perspective on democratic theory and practice after the deliberative turn.
At the same time it demonstrates how the Revolution fostered many dreams and ambitions for women that would be doomed to disappointment in the repressive post-Revolutionary era.".
Combining theory, comparative politics, and international relations, Introduction to Politics provides a perfect introduction to the subject for students embarking on university-level study. As the only introductory text to cover both comparative politics and international relations, and contextualise this material with a wide range of international examples, it is the most comprehensive, authoritative, and global introductory politics textbook on the market. Written by three experts in the field, this book takes a balanced approached to the subject, serving as a strong foundation for further study. The material is explored in an accessible way for introductory study, but takes an analytical approach which encourages more critical study and debate, helping students to develop the vital skills they need for a politics degree. An Online Resource Centre accompanies this text, and includes a range of resources for both students and lecturers. For students - Learn more about the people behind the theory with the 'Key Thinkers' resource. - Test your understanding of the chapter content and receive instant feedback with self-marking multiple-choice questions. - Revise key terms and concepts with an online flashcard glossary. For registered lecturers - Encourage students to think critically with political scenario exercises. - Reinforce key themes from each chapter with suggested discussion questions for use in seminars. - Use the adaptable PowerPoint slides as the basis for a lecture presentation, or as hand-outs in class. - Save time preparing assessments and seminars with a fully updated test bank of questions.
Written by the preeminent democratic theorist of our time, this book explains the nature, value, and mechanics of democracy. In a new introduction to this Veritas edition, Ian Shapiro considers how Dahl would respond to the ongoing challenges democracy faces in the modern world. “Within the liberal democratic camp there is considerable controversy about exactly how to define democracy. Probably the most influential voice among contemporary political scientists in this debate has been that of Robert Dahl.”—Marc Plattner, New York Times “An excellent introduction for novices, as well as a trusty handbook for experts and political science mavens.”—Publishers Weekly
Some say that public policy can be made without the benefit of theory—that it emerges, instead, through trial-and-error. Others see genuine philosophical issues in public affairs but try to resolve them through fanciful examples. Both, argues Robert E. Goodin, are wrong. Goodin—a political scientist who is also an associate editor of Ethics—shows that empirical and ethical theory can and should guide policy. To be useful, however, these philosophical discussions of public affairs must draw upon actual policy experiences rather than contrived cases. Further, they must reflect the broader social consequences of policies rather than just the dilemmas of personal conscience. Effectively integrating the literatures of social science, policy science, and philosophy, Goodin provides a theoretically sophisticated yet empirically well-grounded analysis of public policies, the principles underlying them, the institutions shaping them, and the excuses offered for their failures. This analysis is enhanced by the author's discussion of such specific cases as the disposal of nuclear wastes and the priority accorded national defense—cases that illustrate Goodin's theoretical and methodological framework for approaching policy issues.
Drawing on Indigenous peoples' struggles against settler colonialism, Theft Is Property! reconstructs the concept of dispossession as a means of explaining how shifting configurations of law, property, race, and rights have functioned as modes of governance, both historically and in the present. Through close analysis of arguments by Indigenous scholars and activists from the nineteenth century to the present, Robert Nichols argues that dispossession has come to name a unique recursive process whereby systematic theft is the mechanism by which property relations are generated. In so doing, Nichols also brings long-standing debates in anarchist, Black radical, feminist, Marxist, and postcolonial thought into direct conversation with the frequently overlooked intellectual contributions of Indigenous peoples.
Shakespeare's history plays are central to his dramatic achievement. In recent years they have become more widely studied than ever, stimulating intensely contested interpretations, due to their relevance to central contemporary issues such as English, national identities and gender roles. Interpretations of the history plays have been transformed since the 1980s by new theoretically-informed critical approaches. Movements such as New Historicism and cultural materialism, as well as psychoanalytical and post-colonial approaches, have swept away the humanist consensus of the mid-twentieth century with its largely conservative view of the plays. The last decade has seen an emergence of feminist and gender-based readings of plays which were once thought overwhelmingly masculine in their concerns. This book provides an up-to-date critical anthology representing the best work from each of the modern theoretical perspectives. The introduction outlines the changing debate in an area which is now one of the liveliest in Shakespearean criticism.
In this timely monograph, the author summarizes the rapidly growing body of knowledge regarding nickel by providing a balanced discussion of its harmful and beneficial effects. Coverage includes a history of nickel; the chemistry of nickel, descriptions of the four known enzymes which contain nickel; and nickel metabolism in microbes, plants, and animals. Taken as a whole, Dr. Hausinger's work will highlight key features of this important element and help define future research.
Provides a framework for the many voices calling for the reaffirmation of democratic values, citizenship, and service in the public interest. This work includes a chapter that addresses the practical issues of applying these ideals in actual, real-life situations.
Electronic inspection copies are available for instructors Political Marketing: Theories and Concepts provides students with a valuable and critical understanding of how political parties use marketing to attain their aims. Unlike other textbooks, this text explicitly focuses on the theoretical underpinnings and cutting edge concepts used by political parties, allowing students to gain key insights into how they win elections and remain in power. With an engaging and thought provoking topic selection, these field-leading authors have ensured that this often complex and theoretically advanced topic is clearly accessible for a student audience and novice researchers. Key features of each chapter include: - Short chapter introduction and learning summaries - Discussion questions to share in the classroom - Annotated suggestions for further reading - Lists of key terms to consider This text is essential reading for advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students on political marketing courses. Dr Robert P. Ormrod, University of Aarhus, Denmark Dr Stephan C. Henneberg, University of Manchester Professor Nicholas J. O'Shaughnessy, Queen Mary, University of London
Popular representation, seen by constitutional founders including James Madison as the pivot of republicanism, has been gradually ritualized and discounted. Robert Grady maintains that contemporary pluralist theory devalues citizens' civic roles and reduces elections to symbolic exercises. In its more recent incarnations as interest group liberalism and corporatism, he believes, pluralism undercuts the grounds for real representation in favor of representation for the organized and privileged. In Restoring Real Representation, Grady argues for restoration of real citizen representation through democratic functional jurisdictions rather than by means of the usual electoral and political party reforms. In fact, he says, many critics of contemporary politics have proposed reforms that inadequately account for constitutional principles. Analyzing pluralist, corporatist, and participatory theory, Grady shows how these jurisdictions - principally the workplace community, but, by extension, other ethnic, religious, and geographic associations - can serve as constituent organizations for participation and reaffirm the pivotal role of representation.
This book is the result of 15 years of research on the ancient Hebrew relative clause as well as the effective application of modern linguistic approaches to an ancient language corpus. Though the ostensible topic is the relative clause, including a full discussion of the various relative words used to introduce Hebrew relative clauses and a detailed presentation of the relevant comparative Semitic data, this work also carefully navigates the challenges of analyzing a “dead” language and offers a methodological road map for the analysis of any feature of Biblical Hebrew grammar. With the appendixes of relative clause data, including the author’s English translations, the work aims at comprehensiveness, exhaustiveness, and full transparency in data, method, and theory.
Discusses the geography, history, government, economy, and culture of the Middle Eastern country that at one time had the most advanced civilization the world had yet seen.
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