First published in 1975, South Wales Miners starts with the War of Empires, when nearly 50,000 Welsh miners, almost one-fifth of the total manpower of their coalfield, responded to the call and voluntarily enlisted in the British armed forces. The author uncovers how the coalowners in the meantime took advantage of the war emergency to deny the remaining miners a fair recompense for their toil and of the bitter strife that followed. The book tells the story of what led up to the General Strike and here the author uses hitherto hidden sources of information. The picture is revealed of what was a virtual conspiracy between the Baldwin-Churchill Government and the mineowners, not only to cut wages and lengthen hours, but to cripple British trade unionism. When the miners held out through a seven-month lockout the efforts of these highly placed conspirators recoiled on their own heads and on the whole economy of British Empire. This book will be of interest to students of history, labour studies, economics and political science.
First published in 1961, The Miners in Crisis and War: A History of Miners’ Federation of Great Britain from 1930 Onwards tells the story of two sharply contrasting periods, of world crisis and of world war. The story begins with the Miners’ Federation fallen upon evil days, diminished in numbers, shorn of its former powers of national wage negotiation, divided in counsel and almost whelmed beneath the seismic waves of world economic crisis. Unemployment prevailed, greater than at any time before. The sudden collapse of the cabinet, the formation of the four-party coalition, and the rout of the Labour Party in 1931 shattered these hopes. The climb from the economic abyss of the early thirties is made against a sombre background of the spread of fascism and the approach of war. Then, during the war, the British coal industry and its workers encounter a series of rapid changes, both for better and for worse. The whole main purpose of their trade unions, to maintain and improve the standard of life, is conditioned by the six-year war to such an extent that all come to be merged in a single national union a few months before victory. Thus, in circumstances utterly unforeseen, the old Miners’ Federation, now once more built up in its numbers and in its powers comes to an end after an existence of fifty-five years. This book will be of interest to students of history, sociology, economics and political science.
First published in 1955, A History of the Scottish Miners recounts the peculiar circumstances of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the laws that placed the miners under conditions unique in Europe. Carrying onto the nineteenth century, the author deals with the first trade unions, the period of Alexander McDonald and Keir Hardie, ending in the great strike of 1894 and the formation of the Scottish Miners’ Federation, embracing eight county associations. From 1894 onwards, Robert Smillie led the Scots in good times and bad, up to the ordeal of the First World War. The effect in Scotland of the great lockouts of 1921 and 1926, with Robert Smillie no longer chairman of the British miners but still the leader in Scotland, is set out in detail. Then after a time of troubles, the Scots miners developed their organisations during the war and, before its end, under new leaders, they achieved a single union for Scotland. This book will be of interest to students of history, sociology, economics and political science.
First published in 1953, The Miners: Years of Struggle is the official history of the British miners, which draws on original sources, moving into the stormy period when the economic bargaining of the million colliery employees with the mine owners became the concern of Parliament and people. The great strike of 1921; the stoppages of 1921 and 1926 (the latter opening with the General Strike); and how successive administrations met those crises – these form an historical matrix from which the present public ownership inevitably emerged. The conflict of ideas and personalities is shown as part of the struggles of these stormy times. This book will be of interest to students of history, sociology, economics and political science.
A powerful new history of the Great Strike in the miners’ own voices, based on more than 140 interviews with former miners and their families Forty years ago, Arthur Scargill led the National Union of Mineworkers on one of the largest strikes in British history. A deep sense of pride existed within Britain’s mining communities who thought of themselves as the backbone of the nation’s economy. But they were vilified by Margaret Thatcher’s government and eventually broken: deprived of their jobs, their livelihoods, and in some cases, their lives. In this groundbreaking new history, Robert Gildea interviews those miners and their families who fought to defend themselves. Exploring mining communities from South Wales to the Midlands, Yorkshire, County Durham, and Fife, Gildea shows how the miners and their families organized to protect themselves, and how a network of activists mobilized to support them. Amid the recent wave of industrial action in the United Kingdom, Backbone of the Nation highlights anew the importance of labor organization—and intimately records the triumphs, losses, and resilience of these mining communities.
A study of four Durham mining villages in the period 1870 to 1926 which examines the effects of Methodism on the political life of the villages during an especially important phase of trade union and political history. Professor Moore's research is both vivid and scholarly. He lived in the community, he can report first-hand on the villagers he talked with, and at the same time he produces an ambitious contribution to the social sciences.
Service offers a history of communism, drawing the uncomfortable conclusion that the poverty and injustice that enabled its rise are still dangerously alive. Unsettling and compelling, this is a comprehensive study of one of the most important movements of the modern world.
First published in 1978. Britain’s unions were blamed by many people for the country’s post-war economic decline. Portrayed as greedy wreckers who wanted to run the country, they had become scapegoats for the state of the nation. This anatomy of Britain’s diverse and complex trade union movement sets out to question that widespread opinion. The main argument advanced in the study is that unions in Britain were too weak, not too strong. From the 1940s until the 1970s, Robert Taylor believes, they had failed to achieve the constructive influence over British society that union movements elsewhere in western Europe had managed to gain. Considering the major and medium-sized unions separately, he examines the sudden and rapid growth of unionisation in Britain, the structure of the unions, their effectiveness, the influence they had, their international record, and the nature of trade union democracy.
An intellectual who did not like intellectuals, a socialist who did not trust the state, a writer of the left who found it easier to forgive writers of the right, a liberal who was against free markets, a Protestant who believed in religion but not in God, a fierce opponent of nationalism who defined Englishness for a generation. Aside from being one of the greatest political essayists in the English language and author of two of the most famous books in twentieth century literature, George Orwell was a man of many fascinating contradictions, someone who liked to go against the grain because he believed that was where the truth usually lay. George Orwell. English Rebel takes us on a journey through the many twists and turns of Orwell's life and thought, from the precocious public school satirist at Eton and the imperial policeman in Burma, through his early years as a rather dour documentary writer, down and out on the streets of Paris and London and on the road to Wigan pier, o his formative experiences as a volunteer soldier in the Spanish Civil War. Above all, the book skilfully traces Orwell's gradual reconciliation with his country, a journey which began down a coal mine in 1936 to find its exhilarating peaks during the dark days of the Second World War.
The name of Nobel usually calls to mind Alfred Nobel, inventor of dynamite, and the internationally prestigious prizes that bear his name. But Alfred was only one member of a creative and innovative family who built an industrial empire in prerevolutionary Russia. The saga begins with an emigrÉ from Sweden, Immanuel Nobel, who was an architect, a pioneer producer of steam engines, and a maker of armaments, including the underwater mines that were widely used in the Crimean War. Immanuel's sons included Alfred; Robert, who directed the family's activities in the Caspian oil fields; and Ludwig, an engineering genius and manufacturing magnate whose boundless energy and fierce determination created the Russian petroleum industry. Ludwig's son Emanuel showed similar mettle, shrewdly bargaining with the Rothschilds for control of the Russian markets and competing head-on with Standard Oil, Royal Dutch, and Shell for lucrative world markets. Emanuel not only expanded the Russian oil industry but also helped to modernize the Russian navy and commanded a fleet of three hundred ships. Perhaps no family in history has played so decisive a role in building an industrial empire in an underdeveloped but resource-rich nation. Yet the achievements of the Nobel family have been largely forgotten. When the Bolsheviks came to power, the empire, which had taken eighty years to design and build, was nearly destroyed, bringing a sudden and bitter end to one of the most remarkable industrial odysseys in world history.
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