This volume makes available to English readers the best known and most frequently quoted study of industrial combination from the German point of view. There is an abundance of literature on the trusts, from economists who have lived close to that evolution, and the trusts, by their more challenging position, were for two decades the centre of the discussion which turned on what in industry was safe for democracy. Meanwhile, in Germany, the alternative of the cartel was having a less noticed a controversial development, until in Westphalia there was created, out of lower forms, a working model which was new and unique in the manner in which it related producers to each other and to the market. In only a few industries has this model been fully established; but it presents a rival type to the trusts, and places the problem of combination on a different basis of analysis and tendency. The distinction between these two forms may be a matter of industries, or of national law and psychology; or they may work together, the cartel being the general envelop within which fusions are created, the types are nevertheless distinct, so much so that ‘rationalization’, as a general term, rather denotes than defines them both. IN America, the Cartel is illegal, so that industry has sought its administrative solution in fusions; in England trusts and cartels co-exist; in Germany, they are interlaced, great trusts having their feet in one cartel, their shoulders in another and their heads in a third.
Business as a System of Power was the direct product of extensive and continuing study of the rise of bureaucratic centralism. The project was begun in 1934, and resulted a decade later in this volume, arguably the most important work in comparative and historical economics to emerge in the World War Two period. Indeed, Brady's theorems such as the bureaucratic authoritarian model of development, became a touchstone for the study of Third World economies.Brady saw the direction of business moving in a variety of directions: from the totalitarian model set by fascism with its highly centralized approach to special interests, profit making and policy made in the interests of those who rule; and the alternative democratic model set by the democracies of the West, which expound the latitude of direct public participation in decision-making and social organization of the economy as a whole. Brady does not indulge in cheap conspiracy theory. Rather he sees the business classes worldwide as possessing a collective mind, but not a collective will. In this setting the business civilization itself is at stake.The volume offers a fascinating study of German Nazism, Italian fascism and Japanese militarism as a series of policies rather than historical inevitabilities. But the work is also a foreboding and a warning to democratic varieties of capitalism. As business becomes increasingly global in character, unbound by national interests or democratic aims, it also becomes more rational in its own terms. Its drive for maximizing profits with scant regard to what may be less cost effective, but more open to popular control or participation, becomes transparent. Brady provides a remarkably prescient, albeit controversial, study of trends in Western democracy and big business. Robert S. Lynd, in his Preface, writes, "Brady cuts through to the central problem disrupting our worldàa world-wide counter-revolution against democracy." More than a half century later, in his outstanding review of the life and career of Robert Brady, Douglas Dowd points to the same lessons: economic inequities, economic globalization and political concentration of power. "In such a world, the counsel of a Brady never loses its vitality."Robert A. Brady was professor of economics at Columbia University, and author of The Rationalization Movement in German Industry; The Spirit and Structure of German Fascism; and The Scientific Revolution in Industry. Douglas F. Dowd was professor of economics at Johns Hopkins University and author of a number of important books on economics, including Modern Economic Problems in Historic Perspective.
This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1933.
This book examines the reconstruction of the British economy in the aftermath of the First World War up until the break of the second. Using a wide range of primary sources, the author presents an account which integrates the economic, political and diplomatic events of the period.
The purpose of this book is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the work of Frédéric Bastiat (1801-1850), one of the towering intellectual figures of nineteenth century France. More than anyone else of his time, Bastiat personified the struggle of liberalism and science against socialism and utopia. Between 1844 in 1850, his campaign for the idea of liberty and his commitment to the discipline of political economy made him one of the most vigorous champions of economic liberalism in France. Bastiat put forth one of the most ambitious interpretations of the liberalism of his time, one that entailed both a critique of primitive socialism and a concern to provide political economy with a theoretical foundation. His thinking is far more sophisticated than would appear at first glance. Nor can it be confined, as so many commentators would have us believe, to its strictly economic dimension. The themes that Bastiat addressed – free trade, competition, labour, among others – certainly helped to reduce it to this dimension. Yet he did not limit himself to these issues, even if he dealt with them at length. He also paid close attention to the political, moral, social and religious dimensions. Coming, as Bastiat’s writing did, at a decisive moment in the history of French liberalism, the very existence of his work explodes the long-standing received idea to the effect that liberalism, and in particular economic liberalism, is the exclusive domain of Anglo-Saxon countries. Bastiat’s work thus offers a solid rebuttal to Hayek, who proclaimed "the total absence of a liberal tradition in France." This book should be of interest to students and researchers of many strands of economics, as well as those looking at French liberalism and the history of social science more generally.
In an emergency, you only have one chance...and usually very little time...to make the right decision. How can you be certain you have the knowledge you need? Through six editions, Rosen’s Emergency Medicine has set the standard in emergency medicine, offering unparalleled comprehensiveness, clarity, and authority. Now, the seventh edition places the latest knowledge at your fingertips, while a more streamlined format makes it easy to find the exact information you seek more rapidly and conveniently than ever before. Presents more than 1,200 exquisite color illustrations that accurately capture the real-life appearance of patient symptoms and diagnostic imaging findings, helping you to reach a definitive diagnosis more easily. Includes "Cardinal Presentations" sections that provide quick and easy guidance on differential diagnosis and directed testing. Presents greatly expanded coverage of emergency ultrasound and emergency gynecological disorders to place the latest knowledge at your fingertips, as well as state-of-the-art coverage of emergency ultrasound, management of sepsis, new airway devices, updated protocols for adult and pediatric cardiac arrest, STEMI and NSTEMI/ACS, DVT and PTE, and much, much more. Features a streamlined format that focuses on the most need-to-know information so you can find answers more quickly.
This volume makes available to English readers the best known and most frequently quoted study of industrial combination from the German point of view. There is an abundance of literature on the trusts, from economists who have lived close to that evolution, and the trusts, by their more challenging position, were for two decades the centre of the discussion which turned on what in industry was safe for democracy. Meanwhile, in Germany, the alternative of the cartel was having a less noticed a controversial development, until in Westphalia there was created, out of lower forms, a working model which was new and unique in the manner in which it related producers to each other and to the market. In only a few industries has this model been fully established; but it presents a rival type to the trusts, and places the problem of combination on a different basis of analysis and tendency. The distinction between these two forms may be a matter of industries, or of national law and psychology; or they may work together, the cartel being the general envelop within which fusions are created, the types are nevertheless distinct, so much so that ‘rationalization’, as a general term, rather denotes than defines them both. IN America, the Cartel is illegal, so that industry has sought its administrative solution in fusions; in England trusts and cartels co-exist; in Germany, they are interlaced, great trusts having their feet in one cartel, their shoulders in another and their heads in a third.
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