This collection of transcriptions of gravestones from a large number of Henry County, Kentucky, cemeteries originally appeared in three issues of The Filson Club History Quarterly (July and September 1978, and July 1979) and is reprinted here with permission of The Filson Club. Mr. Johnson, then a member of the Oldham County Historical Society, prepared the first two installments; Mrs. Dent, an active Filsonian and local historian, prepared the final part. Taken as a whole, the work identifies Henry County inhabitants buried in 83 different cemeteries, including the large South Pleasureville Public Cemetery, whose records occupy almost all of Mrs. DentΓ s portion.
The last of the Deep Southern states to secede, Texas experienced a cultural consolidation through the trauma of war and loss that has political relevance today. With the perceived indignities of Reconstruction, formerly pro-Union voices in the Texas Borderlands found themselves more culturally aligned with the former Confederacy by 1876, when the Texas Constitution was ratified. Two Counties in Crisis offers a rare opportunity to observe how local political cultures are transformed by state and national events. Utilizing an interdisciplinary fusion of history and political science, Robert J. Dillard analyzes two disparate Texas counties—traditionalist Harrison County and individualist Collin County—and examines four Reconstruction governors (Hamilton, Throckmorton, Pease, Davis) to aid the narrative and provide additional cultural context. Commercially prosperous and built on slave labor in the mold of Deep South plantation culture, East Texas’s Harrison County strongly supported secession in 1861. West Texas’s Collin County, characterized by individual and family farms with a limited slave population, favored the Union. During Reconstruction Collin County became increasingly conservative and eventually bore a great resemblance to Harrison County in its social, cultural, and political leanings. By 1876 and the ratification of the regressive Texas Constitution, Collin County had become firmly resistant to all aspects of Reconstruction. Both counties found themselves enculturated with the rest of the state, establishing for Texas an identity as a former Confederate state that has persisted for generations. The reactionary Texas Constitution of 1876, written as a backlash against perceived Northern radicalism, ultimately dismantled state education, reduced the state tax base, and spawned a legal black hole of amendments that Texans remain stuck with today. Overwhelmingly ratified by popular vote, the suboptimal Texas Constitution was not solely the product of political maneuverings from the economic elite, but a collective refusal of federal Reconstruction supported at the local level, where the politics of fear and group polarization had transformed former Unionists into die-hard rebels.
When Rube Foster was inducted into the National Baseball Hall of Fame in 1981, his rightful place alongside baseball's greatest black heroes was at last firmly established. A world-class pitcher, a formidable manager, and a brilliant administrator, Rube Foster was arguably more influential in breaking down the color barrier in major league baseball than the venerable Jackie Robinson. Born in 1879, Rube Foster pitched for the legendary black baseball teamsthe Cuban X-Giants and the Philadelphia Giants before becoming player-manager of the Leland Giants and the Chicago American Giants. Long a central figure in black baseball, he founded baseball's first black leaguethe Negro National League in 1920. From its inception, the Negro League served as a vehicle through which many of the finest black players could showcase their considerable talents. Challenging racial discrimination and stereotypes, it ultimately set the stage for future efforts to contest Jim Crow. Despite the long-standing success of the Negro National League as an influential black institution, Rube Foster was deeply embittered by organized baseball's unmitigated refusal to lift the color barrier. He died a broken man in 1930. The Best Pitcher in Baseball is the story of a man of unparalleled vision and organizational acumen whose passion for justice changed the face of baseball forever. It is a moving tribute to a man and his dream.
Master of the Senate, Book Three of The Years of Lyndon Johnson, carries Johnson’s story through one of its most remarkable periods: his twelve years, from 1949 to 1960, in the United States Senate. At the heart of the book is its unprecedented revelation of how legislative power works in America, how the Senate works, and how Johnson, in his ascent to the presidency, mastered the Senate as no political leader before him had ever done. It was during these years that all Johnson’s experience—from his Texas Hill Country boyhood to his passionate representation in Congress of his hardscrabble constituents to his tireless construction of a political machine—came to fruition. Caro introduces the story with a dramatic account of the Senate itself: how Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, and John C. Calhoun had made it the center of governmental energy, the forum in which the great issues of the country were thrashed out. And how, by the time Johnson arrived, it had dwindled into a body that merely responded to executive initiatives, all but impervious to the forces of change. Caro anatomizes the genius for political strategy and tactics by which, in an institution that had made the seniority system all-powerful for a century and more, Johnson became Majority Leader after only a single term-the youngest and greatest Senate Leader in our history; how he manipulated the Senate’s hallowed rules and customs and the weaknesses and strengths of his colleagues to change the “unchangeable” Senate from a loose confederation of sovereign senators to a whirring legislative machine under his own iron-fisted control. Caro demonstrates how Johnson’s political genius enabled him to reconcile the unreconcilable: to retain the support of the southerners who controlled the Senate while earning the trust—or at least the cooperation—of the liberals, led by Paul Douglas and Hubert Humphrey, without whom he could not achieve his goal of winning the presidency. He shows the dark side of Johnson’s ambition: how he proved his loyalty to the great oil barons who had financed his rise to power by ruthlessly destroying the career of the New Dealer who was in charge of regulating them, Federal Power Commission Chairman Leland Olds. And we watch him achieve the impossible: convincing southerners that although he was firmly in their camp as the anointed successor to their leader, Richard Russell, it was essential that they allow him to make some progress toward civil rights. In a breathtaking tour de force, Caro details Johnson’s amazing triumph in maneuvering to passage the first civil rights legislation since 1875. Master of the Senate, told with an abundance of rich detail that could only have come from Caro’s peerless research, is both a galvanizing portrait of the man himself—the titan of Capital Hill, volcanic, mesmerizing—and a definitive and revelatory study of the workings and personal and legislative power.
Rhode Island sent 23,236 men to fight in the Civil War. They served in eight infantry regiments, three heavy artillery regiments, three regiments and one battalion of cavalry, a company of hospital guards and 10 batteries of light artillery. Hundreds more served in the U.S. Army, Navy and Marine Corps. Rhode Islanders participated in nearly every major battle of the war, firing the first volleys at Bull Run, and some of the last at Appomattox. How many died in the Civil War is a question that has long eluded historians. Drawing on a 20-year study of regimental histories, pension files, letters, diaries, and visits to every cemetery in the state, award-winning Civil War historian Robert Grandchamp documents 2,217 Rhode Islanders who died as a direct result of military service. Each regiment is identified, followed by the name, rank and place of residence for each soldier, the details of their deaths and, where known, their final resting places.
Authored by three prominent specialists in the field, this text provides comprehensive coverage of diagnostic and treatment modalities for optimal glaucoma management. Revised throughout, this new edition presents the latest guidance in clinical examination, randomized trials, medical treatment, laser therapy, and surgical procedures. Hundreds of illustrations-with many classic black and white figures from the previous editions supplemented with new color images-depict the features of glaucomas and step-by-step procedures for their management, while expanded use of highlighted boxes, lists, and summary tables make the material easy to access. Evidence-based and updated information on all aspects of the glaucomas-including physiology, genetics, interventional trials, and new surgical techniques-offer a well-rounded foundation of knowledge for making the most informed diagnoses and choosing the most effective course of treatment. Combines the cumulative experience of three prominent glaucoma specialists-addressing a full range of clinical needs for practitioners of all levels-for a uniquely written coherent perspective.Includes extensive references to current and historically important sources to provide comprehensive interpretation of the latest medical literature. Synthesizes a classical approach to the glaucomas-based on seven earlier editions spanning over 40 years-with the most up-to-date evidence-based and epidemiologically-derived classifications and outcomes.Coherently correlates with authoritative consensus documents on key areas of glaucoma, drawn up by the world-wide specialists of the World Glaucoma Association, and reprinted in the text.Revamps traditional teachings on the angle closure glaucomas, in concert with the newest international literature and technologies, to keep you up to date on the latest advances.Illustrates detailed surgical interventions applicable to the complete spectrum of clinical settings-from the developing world through contemporary operating rooms.Examines the newest and most promising developments in pharmacology, laser and surgical advances for glaucoma management, to enable you to choose the most effective patient approach.Illustrates invaluable but little-known instruments for clinical and research diagnoses, including optic nerve cupping scales, bleb assessment instruments, and more.
A small town in the center of Massachusetts seems an unlikely place for altering the tide of war and public opinion, but the town of Northborough played just such a role. Slavery had already sparked the War Between the States, but abolition was not the majority view. Abolitionists on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Line gave their lives for change, perhaps nowhere more passionately than in Northborough. More than half of the towns best and brightest joined the fray, and this vigorous anti-slavery activity demands attention: were towns like Northboroughwelcoming of abolitionists and strongly involved in the fightinstrumental in changing the outcome via an emancipation that had to be proclaimed mid-war?
Meeting a key need for teachers, this book provides practical, data-based tools for helping students with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) succeed in the classroom. The authors combine instructional expertise with extensive knowledge about the nature and treatment of ADHD. Coverage includes ways to support students and teach them needed strategies in core areas: academic skills, behavior, self-regulation, and social skills. Step-by-step instructions and concrete examples help teachers implement effective interventions and accommodations. The book also offers crucial guidance for teaming with other school professionals and with parents.
American Presidents, Polk to Hayes. What They Did. What They Said, What Was Said About Them is the second book in a planned five volume series, covering all the Presidents. These 43 men (so far) have succeeded in some regards and failed in others as they strove to do the best they could in what is surely one of the most difficult jobs in the world. Only they can truly appreciate what it takes to be the president. Others can only speculate. People feel strongly about U.S. Presidents. Some they admire – others they hate. It is fair game to criticize a president’s actions and policies. However, questioning their commitment to American ideals seems like hitting below the belt. There are no willing villains. Most people can find justification for their actions, beliefs, and prejudices. Each president strove to do the best he could for the nation and its people. This goal of the book is not to praise presidents, nor is it to condemn them. The subtitle of each of the five books in the series: What They Did. What They Said, What Was Said About Them, perfectly describes the approach adopted to tell their stories in a unique, way, meant to entertain as well as inform. Readers are asked to make their own judgments of the presidencies based on more information that the semi-myths they may recall History courses or what is preached in the many longstanding and despicable negative campaigning, mudslinging and character assassination reports they hear from partisans. One can find much to admire about each of the presidents and unfortunately much to deplore. Soldiers are told that in giving salutes to officers is not honoring the individuals, but rather their rank. If there are presidents, readers just feel they cannot salute, hopefully they can salute the presidency.
The 57th Virginia Infantry was one of five regiments in General Lewis Armistead's Brigade in Pickett's Charge, at the Battle of Gettysburg on July 3, 1863. Prior to being Brigadier General, Armistead commanded the 57th Virginia. About 1,800 men joined the 57th, primarily from Franklin, Pittsylvania, Buckingham, Botetourt, and Albemarle County, but at least 15 bordering counties contributed men. Initial enlistments were from May-July of 1861, with the nucleus coming from 5 companies of Keen's Battalion. This publication gives detail on the battles, from Malvern Hill to Appomattox, and the prison camps many suffered through. The core of the book, however, is a quest for basic genealogical data on the men of the 57th Virginia, with a focus on their parents, wives, and location in 1860.
Robert S. Levine foregrounds the viewpoints of Black Americans on Reconstruction in his absorbing account of the struggle between the great orator Frederick Douglass and President Andrew Johnson. When Andrew Johnson assumed the presidency after Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the country was on the precipice of radical change. Johnson, seemingly more progressive than Lincoln, looked like the ideal person to lead the country. He had already cast himself as a “Moses” for the Black community, and African Americans were optimistic that he would pursue aggressive federal policies for Black equality. Despite this early promise, Frederick Douglass, the country’s most influential Black leader, soon grew disillusioned with Johnson’s policies and increasingly doubted the president was sincere in supporting Black citizenship. In a dramatic and pivotal meeting between Johnson and a Black delegation at the White House, the president and Douglass came to verbal blows over the course of Reconstruction. As he lectured across the country, Douglass continued to attack Johnson’s policies, while raising questions about the Radical Republicans’ hesitancy to grant African Americans the vote. Johnson meanwhile kept his eye on Douglass, eventually making a surprising effort to appoint him to a key position in his administration. Levine grippingly portrays the conflicts that brought Douglass and the wider Black community to reject Johnson and call for a guilty verdict in his impeachment trial. He brings fresh insight by turning to letters between Douglass and his sons, speeches by Douglass and other major Black figures like Frances E. W. Harper, and articles and letters in the Christian Recorder, the most important African American newspaper of the time. In counterpointing the lives and careers of Douglass and Johnson, Levine offers a distinctive vision of the lost promise and dire failure of Reconstruction, the effects of which still reverberate today.
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