An award-winning historian on the transformative year in the sixties that continues to reverberate in our lives and politics—for readers of Heather Cox Richardson. If 1968 marked a turning point in a pivotal decade, 1964—or rather, the long 1964, from JFK’s assassination in November 1963 to mid-1965—was the time when the sixties truly arrived. It was then that the United States began a radical shift toward a much more inclusive definition of “American,” with a greater degree of equality and a government actively involved in social and economic improvement. It was a radical shift accompanied by a cultural revolution. The same month Bob Dylan released his iconic ballad “The Times They Are a-Changin’,” January 1964, President Lyndon Johnson announced his War on Poverty. Spurred by the civil rights movement and a generation pushing for change, the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, and the Immigration and Nationality Act were passed during this period. This was a time of competing definitions of freedom. Freedom from racism, freedom from poverty. White youth sought freedoms they associated with black culture, captured imperfectly in the phrase “sex, drugs, and rock ’n’ roll.” Along with freedom from racist oppression, black Americans sought the opportunities associated with the white middle class: “white freedom.” Women challenged rigid gender roles. And in response to these freedoms, the changing mores, and youth culture, the contrary impulse found political expression in such figures as Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan, proponents of what was presented as freedom from government interference. Meanwhile, a nonevent in the Tonkin Gulf would accelerate the nation's plunge into the Vietnam tragedy. In narrating 1964’s moment of reckoning, when American identity began to be reimagined, McElvaine ties those past battles to their legacy today. Throughout, he captures the changing consciousness of the period through its vibrant music, film, literature, and personalities.
Explores the literary-cultural background to Scottish nationalism and how writers have set out in poetry, fiction, plays and on film the ideal of Scottish independence from 1314 to today. Publication coincides with the 700-year anniversary of the Battle o
Unlikely President: Henry A. Wallace Born in 1888 as a third-generation farmer-journalist (at Wallaces Farmer) Henry A.Wallace graduated from Iowa State in 1910. He went to work for the influential family publication after graduation and he became editor upon the appointment of his father Henry Cantwell Wallace as Hardings secretary of agriculture. Henry Agard himself became Franklin Roosevelts agriculture secretary 1933-1941 and was instrumental in turning around the depressed farm economy in the thirties, helped by a squadron of land-grant college graduates and county agents in running one of the most efficient government departments ever. FDR specifically chose Wallace as his running mate in 1940 to help win the Midwest. Wallace didnt care much for the job as vice president until be was given more responsibility after the war began. As agriculture secretary and later as vice president Wallace wrote and spoke widely, traveling across the United States and on missions abroad to Mexico, Latin America and the Far East. He spoke to his Spanish-speaking listeners in their own language and even managed some Russian in Siberia. In 1942 he gave a speech entitled The Century of The Common Man in which he recognized the dignity and potential of the common man, wherever he might live. It was reprinted and distributed and sold in 20 languages and millions of copies. His science training enabled him to represent the government in talks with the atomic bomb scientists and understand what they were doing. And later he was a prime mover in the development of hybrid corn, which revolutionized corn cultivation and made him, his family and his partners wealthy. To Wallaces great disappointment in 1944 Franklin D. Roosevelt dropped him and chose Harry S. Truman for vice president, who, of course, became president in April 1945 when FDR died. Truman was nominated and elected in his own right in 1948. But this book conjectures what might have happened if Wallace instead of Truman had been the choice of the Democratic party in 1944 and had succeeded Roosevelt, an unlikely president from 1945 to 1949. Wallace joined a third-party movement in 1948 and campaigned for the presidency. A naive idealist, he was cruelly taken in and humiliated by communists and others and received not a single electoral vote. He withdrew from public life after the election. In 1950 he broke with his party and supported the Korean War. He died in 1965 at 77.
The individuals presented in these narrative biographies significantly, and sometimes decisively, impacted contemporary American life in a wide range of areas, including national politics, foreign policy, social and political activism, popular and literary culture, sports, and business. The combined biographical/thematic approach is designed to serve two purposes: to present more substantive biographical information, and to offer a fuller examination of key events and issues. The book is an ideal supplement for undergraduate courses on The United States Since 1945, as well as for courses on Modern America and 20th Century America.
Dynamic individuals, one man or one woman at a time, frequently have played a role in slowing or hastening the forces that make history. Prof. Underhill shows the personalities, strengths and weaknesses of six men whose momentous decisions helped shape society. High school and college students may have heard of Ignatius Donnelly, Theodore Roosevelt, Eugene Debs, Robert LaFollette, George Norris and Henry Agard Wallace; this informal history brings them to life and shows how they split from their friends and party affiliations to advocate ideas that seemed wild at the time but which later became accepted by mainstream
New York Times Bestseller A landmark achievement The Prince of Darkness is not simply the stunningly candid memoir of one of the country’s most influential reporters but also a riveting history of the past half century in American politics.
As Franklin D. Roosevelt's health deteriorated in the months leading up to the Democratic National Convention of 1944, Democratic leaders confronted a dire situation. Given the inevitability of the president's death during a fourth term, the choice of a running mate for FDR was of profound importance. The Democrats needed a man they could trust. They needed Harry S. Truman. Robert Ferrell tells an engrossing tale of ruthless ambition, secret meetings, and party politics. Roosevelt emerges as a manipulative leader whose desire to retain power led to a blatant disregard for the loyalty of his subordinates and the aspirations of his vice presidential hopefuls. Startling in its conclusions, impeccable in its research, Choosing Truman is an engrossing, behind-the-scenes look at the making of the nation's thirty-third president.
What is a mastermind? The House of Many Windows is a story of one man's life and his journey to become a millionaire. Wallace Paine was born in the late 1800s. His grandmother led a psychotic life that ultimately affected the entire family. From Wallace's early childhood to his death in 1919, he maneuvered his way at a young age into owning a newspaper company called the Weekly Page. He had a keen way of working with Eastman Kodak Company, Ford Motor Company, Standard Optical Company, and founded the first Wire Wheel Company. Being impressed with Frank Lloyd Wright, Wallace built a prototype prairie style home in the Finger Lakes Region of New York State. Wallace used his sociopathic personality to have those around him enter into sex, deceit, greed, murders, and wealth. From the shooting of President William McKinley at the Pan-American Exposition in 1901 to the last years of Mr. Paine's life in the Finger Lakes, The House of Many Windows is a glimpse into the corrupt business dealings in the Orient to life in a small city. Architecture, money, and dishonesty drive the characters to his unknown past when Wallace Paine suddenly dies of pneumonia shortly after the 1918 influenza epidemic.
Marked by sharp ideological divisions over civil rights, Vietnam, and federal power, the 1964 presidential campaign between Democrat Lyndon Johnson and Republican Barry Goldwater proved a watershed election in American history. Although Johnson defeated Goldwater in a landslide and liberalism seemed to ride triumphant, the liberal wave crashed almost immediately and conservatives came to dominate a resurgent Republican Party in the late twentieth century. Thoroughly researched and beautifully written, this is the first historical account of this crucial election, and the transition it marked for the nation. Filled with colorful details and fascinating figures - Johnson, Goldwater, Wallace, Rockefeller, Nixon, Reagan, Robert Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., George Bush, and many more - it captures the full excitement, drama, and significance of "liberalism's last hurrah.
An exploration of the influence of secret societies on the formative documents and symbols of the United States • Reveals the Founding Fathers’ spiritual vision for America as encoded in the Great Seal • Traces the influence of the Iroquois League of Nations upon the Constitution • Exposes the deep connections the Founding Fathers had with the Freemasons and other secret societies All children growing up in America learn who the Founding Fathers were. Most, however, never learn of the founders’ connections to the Freemasons, the Rosicrucians, and other esoteric orders. In Founding Fathers, Secret Societies Robert Hieronimus investigates these important connections and how their influence can be traced throughout our most significant national documents and symbols, especially the Great Seal. He reveals in detail how the reverse of the Great Seal--which appears on the back of the one-dollar bill--is a blueprint that conveys the secret destiny of America. By understanding the kabbalistic meaning of the Great Seal’s reverse, he shows how our current era presents unique opportunities for the fulfillment of our Founding Fathers’ spiritual vision.
We gather together to ask the Lords blessing. Dearly beloved, we are gathered here today. The word gather is found more than 450 times in the Bible. There are some fifteen different Greek and Hebrew forms that translate into the English word gather. Little wonder, then, that it finds its way into so much of our liturgical language. A Time to Gather seems an appropriate title and theme for this third book of brief worship services. Gathering is a community word. It is my hope that when groups gather in a community of faith and worship, this resource will be of help. The notion of gathering as a worshipping community has been in the background of the writing throughout. It is written to follow the usual pastoral year, beginning with services that relate to September events. There is a service for each week of the year, followed by four special occasion services. Worship leaders will find that my suggestions serve best if read over beforehand. Then choices of hymns and scripture passages can be modified to meet local needs, and the meditation can be shortened to an allotted time or augmented by the thoughts of the celebrant. I also urge you to become familiar with the help that is available in the appendices. I have been pleased by the number of people who have indicated that my previous two volumes, A Present Help and Fire in the Bones, have been helpful to them as a resource for private devotion. I have had this in mind in preparing the present work. I hope that it too will help in gathering the thoughts of those who use it in this way. Once again, with leaders of group worship in mind, I have avoided making the references as personal as I might in a more autobiographical work or in my own preaching. The aim is to prevent any confusion about the voice behind the material. Again, I wish to thank my editors, Peter Gordon White and Elizabeth Phinney, for their guidance, enthusiasm, and support in this project. Above all, I am pleased to acknowledge the invaluable aid of my wife Gwynneth, who has made valuable suggestions about the material from the start and has read over each page (Yeah, even until the fourth and fifth draft) and has been critic and proofreader. I dedicate this volume to her.
The new edition of this classic text on modern U.S. history seamlessly blends political, social, cultural, intellectual, and economic themes into an authoritative and readable account of America’s national story since the 1890s. Written by four highly respected scholars, this book has been fully updated with new coverage of the Trump and Biden presidencies, the culture wars, deep political polarization, and the crisis of democracy. The text’s most distinctive quality is its close attention to both history within the United States and the relationships the country has forged with the rest of the world. The eighth edition remains engaging and approachable while continuing to include the most recent scholarship. Each chapter contains a special feature section devoted to cultural topics including the arts and architecture, sports and recreation, technology, and education. Web links to additional online resources accompany each feature, offering complementary learning opportunities to students. While carefully attending to the complexity of history, The American Century traces the long roots of some of the most pressing current issues in the United States and continues to be a compelling resource for students of recent American history.
This study reviews and evaluates the political and administrative aspects of the nationwide soil conservation effort in the United States. Originally published in 1966
When Harry Truman was rescued from political obscurity to become Franklin Roosevelt's running mate, black Americans were deeply troubled. Many believed that Truman, born and raised in former slave-holding Missouri, was a step back on civil rights from Henry Wallace, the liberal incumbent vice president. But by the end of his own presidency, black newspaper publishers cited Truman for having "awakened the conscience of America and given new strength to our democracy by his courageous efforts on behalf of freedom and equality." In this first full-scale account of Truman's evolving views on civil rights, Robert Shogan recounts how Truman outgrew the bigotry of his Jackson County upbringing to become the first president since Lincoln to attempt to redress the nation's long history of injustice toward its black citizens—and in the process transformed the course of race relations in America. Shogan vividly demonstrates the full significance of the 33rd president's contributions to that transformation. He ordered the integration of the armed forces and threw the weight of the Justice Department behind the long struggle against segregation in housing and education. And he used the platform of his presidency to relentlessly trumpet the cause of equal rights for those least favored Americans, even making an unprecedented address to the NAACP. Going beyond other accounts of Truman, Shogan points out the political and personal factors that motivated the president and weighs the potential political costs and benefits of his civil rights actions. Shogan also explains Truman's shift away from his formative racial prejudices by shedding light on the forces that shaped his character and leadership qualities. These included his political tutelage under "Boss Tom" Pendergast, which taught him the value of black voters, and the influence of populism, which fostered his support for underdogs such as black Americans. Illuminating how Truman became the first president to make racial injustice a political priority-and the first to denounce segregation as well as discrimination—Shogan's book opens a new and provocative window on the struggle for civil rights in America.
Cold War Rhetoric is the first book in over twenty years to bring a sustained rhetorical critique to bear on central texts of the Cold War. The rhetorical texts that are the subject of this book include speeches by Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy, the Murrow- McCarthy confrontation on CBS, the speeches and writings of peace advocates, and the recurring theme of unAmericanism as it has been expressed in various media throughout the Cold War years. Each of the authors brings to his texts a particular approach to rhetorical criticism—strategic, metaphorical, or ideological. Each provides an introductory chapter on methodology that explains the assumptions and strengths of their particular approach.
It is important that scientists think about and know their history - where they came from, what they have accomplished, and how these may affect the future. Weed scientists, similar to scientists in many technological disciplines, have not sought historical reflection. The technological world asks for results and for progress. Achievement is important not, in general, the road that leads to achievement. What was new yesterday is routine today, and what is described as revolutionary today may be considered antiquated tomorrow. Weed science has been strongly influenced by technology developed by supporting industries, subsequently employed in research and, ultimately, used by farmers and crop growers. The science has focused on results and progress. Scientists have been--and the majority remain--problem solvers whose solutions have evolved as rapidly as have the new weed problems needing solutions. In a more formal sense, weed scientists have been adherents of the instrumental ideology of modern science. That is an analysis of their work, and their orientation reveals the strong emphasis on practical, useful knowledge; on know how. The opposite, and frequently complementary orientation, that has been missing from weed science is an emphasis on contemplative knowledge; that is, knowing why. This book expands on and analyzes how these orientations have affected weed science's development. - The first analytical history of weed science to be written - Compares the development of weed science, entomology and plant pathology - Identifies the primary founders of weed science and describes their role
Bringing us close to the complex history of the civil rights movement in the American South—the currents that involved thousands of communities and millions of individual lives—this book looks deeply into the experiences of a single Alabama town, Tuskegee, and its surrounding Macon County. It is based on interviews with the people—white and black, liberal and traditional—whose lives were caught up in the movement and altered forever. We see Tuskegee in the early 1940s, seat of America’s most venerable institute of high education for blacks, an important symbol of black progress—yet almost entirely controlled by a white power structure—and we see the emergence of a charismatic leader, Charles G. Gomillion, who defied Tuskegee Institutes’ apolitical traditions and inspired blacks to organize for their right to vote. Thus begins decades of struggle, which Robert J. Norrell re-creates for us through the testimony of the people who lived and shaped this history: the dramatic appearance before a U.S. congressional committee of local civil rights leaders and ordinary farmers bearing witness to the seemingly endless obstructions to block voter registration; the months-long boycott of white Tuskegee merchants that was sparked by the city council’s attempt to exclude black voters by gerrymandering; the fiercely controversial move to integrate the public schools that culminated in Governor George Wallace’s order to state troopers to prevent the opening of Tuskegee High; the anguish that accompanied efforts by blacks to penetrate all-white church congregations. Norrell describes how blacks enters—and won—local elections, including those for mayor and sheriff, and how, with the onset of heightened activism in the late 1960s, Gomillion and other established leaders of the civil rights movement heard angry youthful voices raised against their cautious approach. Reaping the Whirlwind carries us through the early 1970s to a community profoundly changed, proud to have shed its false air of harmony, gradually coming to terms with the disorder and dissension of the preceding years. It is a moving and significant chronicle that documents a critical era in the nation’s history.
This essential guide to the Great Depression and the New Deal provides a wealth of information, analysis, biographical profiles, primary documents and current resources that will help students to understand this pivotal era in American history. The author, an expert on this age of U.S. history and politics, brings to life the traumatic period that began in 1929 and ended only with America's entrance into World War II in 1941. He carefully explains the causes of the Depression, the actions taken by Franklin D. Roosevelt to lift America out of its economic morass, and the economic, political, social, and cultural aspects of the age. Following a chronology of events, a narrative overview examines the events of the Great Depression and the New Deal. Other topical essays address the causes and cure of the Depression, America's struggle against the Depression, the effect of the Depression on American politics, changes in society and culture during the Depression decade, and an evaluation of the New Deal from a contemporary perspective. Twenty-seven biographical profiles of key figures of the era, the text of ten important primary documents, a glossary of frequently cited terms, and an annotated bibliography of print and nonprint materials for student use complete the work. This work is an essential source for the most current thinking and resources on the Great Depression and the New Deal.
Ever since the presidency of Richard M. Nixon, scholars have been in a quandary over how much they really know about our country's presidents. Nixon, as is now understood, was unstable in personality. The signs appeared well before the discovery of the infamous Watergate tapes, an appalling example of what the presidency could come to. Many Americans have difficulty penetrating the public persona of their leaders. But to know the private side of such figures-the cores of their being-is important, because this side often governs what they do publicly. In Presidential Leadership, Robert H. Ferrell examines four sometimes maligned, sometimes misunderstood presidents: Woodrow Wilson, Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Harry S. Truman. Along with these portraits, Ferrell incorporates comments on Hoover and Franklin Delano Roosevelt as well as key figures in each president's administration. Also included in this volume is historian John A. Garraty's interview with Ferrell on American foreign policy from 1919 to 1945. As is his style, Ferrell draws from many sources previously untapped. In the case of Wilson, Ferrell relies on the diary of Colonel Edward M. House, who served under Wilson during his presidency. Ferrell uses White House physician Joel T. Boone's diary to provide an insider's look at Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover. In dealing with these presidents, Ferrell debunks long-held myths and approaches the presidencies with fresh insights into what drove them to make the decisions they made. Throughout the book, Ferrell emphasizes the personal styles of each president. He not only shows how they made their own determinations but also evaluates those whom they appointed to important positions. Scholars of American history will welcome this insightful look at the men who saw the United States through the first half of the twentieth century.
James Carville famously reminded Bill Clinton throughout 1992 that "it's the economy, stupid." Yet, for the last forty years, historians of modern America have ignored the economy to focus on cultural, social, and political themes, from the birth of modern feminism to the fall of the Berlin Wall. Now a scholar has stepped forward to place the economy back in its rightful place, at the center of his historical narrative. In More, Robert M. Collins reexamines the history of the United States from Franklin Delano Roosevelt to Bill Clinton, focusing on the federal government's determined pursuit of economic growth. After tracing the emergence of growth as a priority during FDR's presidency, Collins explores the record of successive administrations, highlighting both their success in fostering growth and its partisan uses. Collins reveals that the obsession with growth appears not only as a matter of policy, but as an expression of Cold War ideology--both a means to pay for the arms build-up and proof of the superiority of the United States' market economy. But under Johnson, this enthusiasm sparked a crisis: spending on Vietnam unleashed runaway inflation, while the nation struggled with the moral consequences of its prosperity, reflected in books such as John Kenneth Galbraith's The Affluent Society and Rachel Carson's Silent Spring. More continues up to the end of the 1990s, as Collins explains the real impact of Reagan's policies and astutely assesses Clinton's "disciplined growthmanship," which combined deficit reduction and a relaxed but watchful monetary policy by the Federal Reserve. Writing with eloquence and analytical clarity, Robert M. Collins offers a startlingly new framework for understanding the history of postwar America.
Few U.S. presidents have captured the imagination of the American people as has Harry S. Truman, “the man from Missouri.” In this major new biography, Robert H. Ferrell, widely regarded as an authority on the thirty-third president, challenges the popular characterization of Truman as a man who rarely sought the offices he received, revealing instead a man who—with modesty, commitment to service, and basic honesty—moved with method and system toward the presidency. Truman was ambitious in the best sense of the word. His powerful commitment to service was accompanied by a remarkable shrewdness and an exceptional ability to judge people. He regarded himself as a consummate politician, a designation of which he was proud. While in Washington, he never succumbed to the “Potomac fever” that swelled the heads of so many officials in that city. A scrupulously honest man, Truman exhibited only one lapse when, at the beginning of 1941, he padded his Senate payroll by adding his wife and later his sister. From his early years on the family farm through his pivotal decision to use the atomic bomb in World War II, Truman’s life was filled with fascinating events. Ferrell’s exhaustive research offers new perspectives on many key episodes in Truman’s career, including his first Senate term and the circumstances surrounding the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan. In addition, Ferrell taps many little-known sources to relate the intriguing story of the machinations by which Truman gained the vice presidential nomination in 1944, a position which put him a heartbeat away from the presidency. No other historian has ever demonstrated such command over the vast amounts of material that Robert Ferrell brings to bear on the unforgettable story of Truman’s life. Based upon years of research in the Truman Library and the study of many never-before-used primary sources, Harry S. Truman is destined to become the authoritative account of the nation’s favorite president.
Robert J Rowland, A.K.A. ( Squirrelly ) Al Hajji Omowalle Alif Abdul Rakiem, Which means The first son, who has return home a servant of God, the writer, who has made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Al Hajji the poet, songwriter and Manager, was born in Mayfield , Kentucky and raised in E. Palo Alto California. He now resides in Nashville, TN. He went back to college and received his Bachelor of Science in Business Management at Mid-Continent University in. Mayfield, KY. Al Hajji creative side goes back to his first musical group in California called the Ambassadors, a five man singing group, with showman ship and harmonies that drew much applause in local talent shows and nightclubs in the San Francisco Bay area. He left California after High school and attended Tennessee State University in Nashville, TN., on a baseball scholarship. At TSU , he developed his poetry and songwriting skills, and was a member of the Natural Experience singing group, where he played percussion. He also co-founded the Poets and Songwriters Association of TSU, which is still a charter organization on campus. Al Hajji also was a member of the Total Experience Record Company, where he signed and artist and songwriting contract. There he befriended the Gap Band, Yarborough & Peoples, Goodie, Val Young, Lonnie Simmons and Don Alexander the owners. Over the years he has been active in the music industry, giving workshop on writing and the business end of music. Singing at weddings and receptions and work with Alicia 4bia Cherry as a personal manager, where he became friends With the late Lisa Left Eye Lopes ( N.I.N.A. ) Raina ( Raindrop) Lopes, Kisha Spivey of the group Total and the girl group Egypt. May God have Mercy on our world
When Governor Terry Sanford established the North Carolina Fund in 1963, he saw it as a way to provide a better life for the "tens of thousands whose family income is so low that daily subsistence is always in doubt." Illustrated with evocative photographs by Billy Barnes, To Right These Wrongs offers a lively account of this pioneering effort in America's War on Poverty. Robert Korstad and James Leloudis describe how the Fund's initial successes grew out of its reliance on private philanthropy and federal dollars and its commitment to the democratic mobilization of the poor. Both were calculated tactics designed to outflank conservative state lawmakers and entrenched local interests that nourished Jim Crow, perpetuated one-party politics, and protected an economy built on cheap labor. By late 1968, when the Fund closed its doors, a resurgent politics of race had gained the advantage, led by a Republican Party that had reorganized itself around opposition to civil rights and aid to the poor. The North Carolina Fund came up short in its battle against poverty, but its story continues to be a source of inspiration and instruction for new generations of Americans.
This book affords the reader an in-depth history of Texas from the earliest Paleographical era, providing details of the occupation of Texas by Spain, France and Mexico, and gives the reader contemporary accounts of battles and incursions leading up to the Battle of the Alamo and to the establishment of Statehood.
This textbook is endorsed by OCR and supports the specification for AS and A-Level Classical Civilisation (first teaching September 2017). It covers Components 21 and 22 from the 'Culture and the Arts' Component Group: Greek Theatre by James Renshaw and Laura Swift Imperial Image by Robert Hancock-Jones Why was tragedy and comedy so central to Athenian life? How did drama challenge Athenians to reflect on their way of living? How did the emperor Augustus present himself as the restorer of Rome's greatness? To what extent did he provide an example to later political figures as a promoter of his regime? This book guides AS and A-Level students to a greater understanding of these issues. The Greek Theatre chapter explores the festival context in which tragedies and comedies were performed, and then analyses three plays: Oedipus the King by Sophocles, Bacchae by Euripides and Frogs by Aristophanes. The Imperial Image chapter analyses the self-presentation of Rome's most dynamic emperor, who claimed to have found Rome 'a city of bricks, but left it a city of marble'. The ideal preparation for the final examinations, all content is presented by experts and experienced teachers in a clear and accessible narrative. Ancient literary and visual sources are described and analysed, with supporting images. Helpful student features include study questions, quotations from contemporary scholars, further reading, and boxes focusing in on key people, events and terms. Practice questions and exam guidance prepare students for assessment. A Companion Website is available at www.bloomsbury.com/class-civ-as-a-level.
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