This practical, plain-language guide outlines and explains the laws which govern all aspects of employment relations including the duties and obligations of employers and employees, individual bargaining and employment agreements, collective bargaining and collective agreements, health and safety, working hours, remuneration, holidays, termination, disputes and grievances, discrimination, information and privacy, and much more. Key decisions from the Employment Court, the Employment Relations Authority and other courts and tribunals are used to show how employment laws and agreements are interpreted and applied.
Managing employees' performance is central to the role of every manager. Yet few organisations or managers are satisfied with their performance management systems - and few employees look forward to their performance reviews. This discontent has two main causes: first, employees' performance is often managed in isolation from the plans and targets of the work group or business unit; and second, the organisation is using inappropriate systems and methods of performance management. Performance Planning and Review describes how systematic performance management - planning, monitoring, reviewing, rewarding and developing what individual employees and work teams do - is the key to organisational success in today's complex and competitive world. Using practical examples, the author outlines the options available to organisations and managers, and discusses how to work out what is best for your organisation. Performance Planning and Review has been popular with managers, human resources specialists, students and others since its original publication. This new edition has been substantially revised to capture the latest research and good practice. It includes extensive coverage of new techniques like 360-degree feedback, and to open up new areas such as performance planning and review for teams.
The New Zealand Employment Law Guide contains practical and easy-to-read coverage of employment law, together with precise references to statutory instruments and case law. It provides a comprehensive overview of an expanding and changing field of law, as well as directions for further investigation of specific issues. The Guide discusses employment law from both individual and collective perspectives. It covers the law on employment relations, employment agreements, working hours, remuneration, disputes, grievances, termination of employment, health and safety, discrimination and privacy. Significant decisions of the Employment Relations Authority and the courts are used to show how employment law is interpreted and applied in real life. A model individual employment agreement is included for readers to adapt to their needs, plus an outline collective agreement and the text of official codes of practice. This edition is based on the law in effect at 1 January 2013, together with key case decisions and developments in practice to that date.
Presidents are surrounded by political strategists and White House counsel who presumably know enough to avoid making the same mistakes as their predecessors. Why, then, do the same kinds of presidential failures occur over and over again? Why Presidents Fail answers this question by examining presidential fiascos, quagmires, and risky business-the kind of failure that led President Kennedy to groan after the Bay of Pigs invasion, 'How could I have been so stupid?' In this book, Richard M. Pious looks at nine cases that have become defining events in presidencies from Dwight D. Eisenhower and the U-2 Flights to George W. Bush and Iraqi WMDs. He uses these cases to draw generalizations about presidential power, authority, rationality, and legitimacy. And he raises questions about the limits of presidential decision-making, many of which fly in the face of the conventional wisdom about the modern presidency.
A revealing look at presidential politics and foreign policy-making from the aftermath of Vietnam to the NATO intervention in Kosovo. The book illuminates the relationship between presidents' domestic and foreign policy priorities and the key role of public opinion in constraining presidential initiatives, particularly the ability of a president to use military force overseas. In case studies ranging from the invasion of Grenada through the Gulf War and the dilemmas of Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo, Melanson provides compelling portraits of presidents Nixon, Carter, Reagan, Bush and Clinton, and their different efforts to forge a foreign policy consensus.
A distinguished and experienced appellate court judge, Richard A. Posner offers in this new book a unique and, to orthodox legal thinkers, a startling perspective on how judges and justices decide cases. When conventional legal materials enable judges to ascertain the true facts of a case and apply clear pre-existing legal rules to them, Posner argues, they do so straightforwardly; that is the domain of legalist reasoning. However, in non-routine cases, the conventional materials run out and judges are on their own, navigating uncharted seas with equipment consisting of experience, emotions, and often unconscious beliefs. In doing so, they take on a legislative role, though one that is confined by internal and external constraints, such as professional ethics, opinions of respected colleagues, and limitations imposed by other branches of government on freewheeling judicial discretion. Occasional legislators, judges are motivated by political considerations in a broad and sometimes a narrow sense of that term. In that open area, most American judges are legal pragmatists. Legal pragmatism is forward-looking and policy-based. It focuses on the consequences of a decision in both the short and the long term, rather than on its antecedent logic. Legal pragmatism so understood is really just a form of ordinary practical reasoning, rather than some special kind of legal reasoning. Supreme Court justices are uniquely free from the constraints on ordinary judges and uniquely tempted to engage in legislative forms of adjudication. More than any other court, the Supreme Court is best understood as a political court.
This book marks the starting point of a profound shift in assessment priorities, detailing the results of a decade-long program of research on classroom assessment environments. It demonstrates how important sound classroom assessments are to student well-being, and provides insights into the complex demands of day-to-day classroom assessment on teachers who have been taught little about assessment in their training programs. As a nation, we spend billions of dollars on educational assessment, including hundreds of millions for international and national assessments, and additional hundreds of millions for statewide testing programs. On top of these, the standardized tests that form the basis of district-wide testing programs represent a billion dollar industry. If we total all of these expensive highly-visible, politically-important assessments, we still account for less than one percent of all the assessments conducted in America's schools. The other 99 percent are conducted by teachers in their classrooms on a moment-to-moment, day-to-day, and week-to-week basis. Paradoxically, virtually all of our national, state, and local assessment resources are being devoted to research and development for large-scale assessments. This book provides specific action programs for improving the quality of the other 99 percent—the assessments that really drive what students learn and how they feel about it.
Twenty-five years after Ronald Reagan became president, Richard Reeves has written a surprising and revealing portrait of one of the most important leaders of the twentieth century. As he did in his bestselling books President Kennedy: Profile of Power and President Nixon: Alone in the White House, Reeves has used newly declassified documents and hundreds of interviews to show a president at work day by day, sometimes minute by minute. President Reagan: The Triumph of Imagination is the story of an accomplished politician, a bold, even reckless leader, a gambler, a man who imagined an American past and an American future -- and made them real. He is a man of ideas who changed the world for better or worse, a man who understands that words are often more important than deeds. Reeves shows a man who understands how to be President, who knows that the job is not to manage the government but to lead the nation. In many ways, a quarter of a century later, he is still leading. As his vice president, George H. W. Bush, said after Reagan was shot and hospitalized in 1981: "We will act as if he were here." He is a heroic figure if not always a hero. He did not destroy communism, as his champions claim, but he knew it would self-destruct and hastened the collapse. No small thing. He believed the Soviet Union was evil and he had contempt for the established American policies of containment and détente. Asked about his own Cold War strategy, he answered: "We win. They lose!" Like one of his heroes, Franklin D. Roosevelt, he has become larger than life. As Roosevelt became an icon central to American liberalism, Reagan became the nucleus holding together American conservatism. He is the only president whose name became a political creed, a noun not an adjective: "Reaganism." Reagan's ideas were so old they seemed new. He preached an individualism, inspiring and cruel, that isolated and shamed the halt and the lame. He dumbed-down America, brilliantly blending fact and fiction, transforming political debate into emotion-driven entertainment. He recklessly mortgaged America with uncontrolled military spending, less taxation, and more debt. In focusing on the key moments of the Reagan presidency, Reeves recounts the amazing resiliency of Ronald Reagan, the real "comeback kid." Here is a seventy-year-old man coming back from a near-fatal gunshot wound, from cancer, from the worst recession in American history. Then, in personal despair as his administration was shredded by the lying and secrets of hidden wars and double-dealing, he was able to forge one of history's amazing relationships with the leader of "the Evil Empire." That story is told for the first time using the transcripts of the Reagan-Gorbachev meetings, the climax of an epic story -- as if he were here.
In this important and original book, J. Richard Piper provides the most comprehensive examination to date of the profound impact of ideological prescriptions on twentieth century American politics. Piper analyzes the institutional and constitutional developments associated with the American conservative-liberal paradigm from the New Deal to the present, focusing on constitutional jurisprudence, presidential-congressional relations, the role of the judiciary, federalism, and the administrative state. Concluding that America's competing constitutional philosophies frequently serve not as ends in themselves but as instruments for attaining power and policy goals, Piper raises significant questions about the future of the conservative-liberal dichotomy that has characterized American politics since the New Deal. Ideologies and Institutions is unique in its focus on institutional prescriptions and its integration and synthesis of extensive history, political science, and sociology literature. Anyone interested in constitutional issues, political history, and the distinctions between the liberal and conservative philosophies will find Ideologies and Institutions valuable.
All social structures are essentially power structures dependent on energy. The concept of power and the role of energy in social organization are crucial and timely concerns, especially in light of the current apprehension about future energy resources. In Energy and Structure, Richard N. Adams argues that social power affects humanity's approach to ecological, economic, and political problems, directing people to seek solutions that are often deceptively shortsighted. Adams, an anthropologist, proposes that social power is directly derived from control over energy processes. He identifies how power and mentalistic structures constitute fundamental determinants that shape the lives of people at all stages of cultural development, forcing them to accept alternatives often far removed from their desires. His central thesis is that the amount of power in any system varies with the amount of control exercised over the environment and that increasing power and control lead to increasing centralization of decision-making, social marginalization, and environmental despoliation. Thus the more highly developed societies, by virtue of their greater controls, are responsible for the greater ultimate subordination and destruction of human potential, as humanity combines technological advances with a growing inability to exercise good judgment with respect to our own survival. Energy and Structure begins with an examination of the basic theory of social power—what it is and how it works. Adams defines and differentiates between the concepts of power and control, authority and legitimacy, power domains and levels. He then examines the underlying metatheory of energetic and mentalistic structures and provides an analytic model of the evolution of power, from the primitive band to modern nations. He predicts the emergence of supranational blocs and discusses other future possibilities. Throughout, his theoretical points are solidly supported by examples drawn from a wide range of cultures.
Can presidents hope to be effective in policy making when Congress is ruled by the other party? Conley argues that the conditions of -divided government- have changed in recent years, and he applies a rigorous methodology to examine the success of presidential initiatives, the strategies presidents use in working with the legislature, and the use of veto power. -Although split-party control has not produced policy deadlock or gridlock, neither has its impact on presidential leadership and the retention of congressional prerogatives been adequately explored and analyzed.---Lou Fisher.
Written by one of the foremost authorities in the field, this engaging text presents the latest scientific findings on gender differences, similarities, and variations--in sexuality, cognitive abilities, occupational preferences, personality, and social behaviors, such as aggression. The impact of nature and nurture on gender is examined from the perspectives of genetics, molecular biology, evolutionary theory, neuroanatomy, anthropology, sociology, and psychology. The result is a balanced, fair-minded synthesis of diverse points of view. Dr. Lippa's text sympathetically summarizes each side of the nature-nurture debate, and in a witty imagined conversation between a personified "nature" and "nurture," he identifies weaknesses in the arguments offered by both sides. His kaleidoscopic review defines gender, summarizes research on gender differences, examines the nature of masculinity and femininity, describes theories of gender, and presents a "cascade model," which argues that nature and nurture constitute the inseparable threads that weave together to form the complex tapestry known as gender. Gender, Nature, and Nurture applies the nature-nurture debate to such topical public policy questions as: *Should girls and boys be reared alike? *Should schools treat girls and boys alike, and is same-sex education beneficial or harmful to children? *Should mothers be granted custody of young children more often than fathers? *Is sexual violence a uniquely male problem that stems, in part, from biological roots? *Should corporations treat male and female employees differently? *Why is there a "gender gap" in political attitudes, and how can society encourage greater gender equity in leadership positions? *Should women and men serve equally in the military? This lively "primer" of gender research is an ideal book for courses on gender studies, the psychology of women or of men, and gender roles. Its wealth of up-to-date scientific information stimulates the professional reader; its accessible style captivates the student reader; and its forthright examination of the relation between scientific debate and public policy fascinates the general reader.
This is the definitive history of thoroughbred racing's three premier events, which have never before been explored in such detail. This book gives the history of America's classic races from the inaugural Belmont Stakes in 1867 through 2013, identifying which equine participants were truly worthy of lasting acclaim and which were one-hit wonders. Perhaps even more compelling are the stories of the men and women who rode, trained, owned, or bred classic winners, including their exploits on the turf and their triumphs and failures in arenas far removed from horse racing.
In this extensive history of U.S. monetary policy, Richard H. Timberlake chronicles the intellectual, political, and economic developments that prompted the use of central banking institutions to regulate the monetary systems. After describing the constitutional principles that the Founding Fathers laid down to prevent state and federal governments from printing money. Timberlake shows how the First and Second Banks of the United States gradually assumed the central banking powers that were originally denied them. Drawing on congressional debates, government documents, and other primary sources, he analyses the origins and constitutionality of the greenbacks and examines the evolution of clearinghouse associations as private lenders of last resort. He completes this history with a study of the legislation that fundamentally changed the power and scope of the Federal Reserve System—the Banking Act of 1935 and the Monetary Control Act of 1980. Writing in nontechnical language, Timberlake demystifies two centuries of monetary policy. He concludes that central banking has been largely a series of politically inspired government-serving actions that have burdened the private economy.
Cited in Sheehy and BCL3, volumes in this series are published every two years with information provided by the Elections Research Center. Statistical tables list the 1990 votes for the House and the Senate, primary results for 1989 and 1990 for each state governor, the presidential preference primary vote by state from 1968 through 1988, and the
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