An indictment of America's housing policy that reveals the social engineering underlying our segregation by economic class, the social and political fallout that result, and what we can do about it The last, acceptable form of prejudice in America is based on class and executed through state-sponsored economic discrimination, which is hard to see because it is much more subtle than raw racism. While the American meritocracy officially denounces prejudice based on race and gender, it has spawned a new form of bias against those with less education and income. Millions of working-class Americans have their opportunity blocked by exclusionary snob zoning. These government policies make housing unaffordable, frustrate the goals of the civil rights movement, and lock in inequality in our urban and suburban landscapes. Through moving accounts of families excluded from economic and social opportunity as they are hemmed in through “new redlining” that limits the type of housing that can be built, Richard Kahlenberg vividly illustrates why America has a housing crisis. He also illustrates why economic segregation matters since where you live affects access to transportation, employment opportunities, decent health care, and good schools. He shows that housing choice has been socially engineered to the benefit of the affluent, and, that astonishingly the most restrictive zoning is found in politically liberal cities where racial views are more progressive. Despite this there is hope. Kahlenberg tells the inspiring stories of growing number of local and national movements working to tear down the walls that inflicts so much damage on the lives of millions of Americans.
Affirmative action was never the right answer. In Class Matters, Richard Kahlenberg persuasively shows that a new class-based approach to college admissions can produce economic and racial diversity alike-- and greater fairness. Richard Kahlenberg has been on a lifelong journey to expand social and economic opportunity and provide a much wider group of people the opportunity to have a place at the table. In this highly personal and deeply researched book he dramatically and persuasively illustrates that class should be the determining factor for how a wider group of people gain admittance to higher education and the opportunity to “swim in the river of power”. While elite universities claim to be on the side of social justice, the dirty secret of higher education in the United States is that the decades-long focus on racial diversity provides cover for an admissions system that mostly benefits the wealthy and shuts out talented working-class students. How to rectify the resulting skyrocketing economic inequality and class antagonism is a question of profound moral and practical importance. Kahlenberg has long worked with prominent civil rights leaders on housing and school integration, but he made a controversial decision to go over to the “other side” and provide research and testimony that helped lead to the controversial Supreme Court decision of 2023 that ended racial preferences. Ironically, he shows, this decision could actually result in a progressive policy outcome – from one that benefited the upper-middle class to one that helps working-class students. By removing legacy admissions, increasing community college transfers, growing financial aid programs, and recruiting students from underrepresented communities, colleges can create more seats for working-class students, a disproportionate share of whom are Black and Latino. .
This provocative book asks a simple question: since we know that middle class schools tend to work best, why not give every child in America the opportunity to attend a public school in which the majority of students come from middle class households? Economically integrated schools, the author argues, will do far more to promote achievement and equal opportunity than vouchers, standards, class size reduction, or any of the other leading education proposals on the left and right that seek to make "separate but equal" schools work. Building on two recent education trends—the decline in racial desegregation as a legal tool and the movement toward greater public school choice—All Together Now provides a blueprint for creating schools that educate children from various backgrounds under one roof. Concurring with the concerns of voucher proponents about the unfairness of trapping poor kids in failing schools, the book provides a practical, viable, and legally sound plan for promoting economic and racial integration among public schools.
In 1986, 70 percent of the first-year class of Harvard Law School wanted to pursue careers in public-interest law. Ten years later, the same percentage of this class was pursuing careers in private corporate firms. How is it that these students began their careers interested in using law as a vehicle for social change, but ended up in those very law firms most resistant to change? How are law students able to reconcile liberal politics with careers in corporate law? Richard D. Kahlenberg's Broken Contract serves to warn prospective law students on the transformation that happens during the second and third years. His memoir explores the intense competitiveness and insidious pressure leading to jobs that are lucrative, prestigious, and challenging-but ultimately unsatisfying. Though Broken Contract doesn't seek to convince every law student to go into public service, Kahlenberg means to challenge and restructure our social institutions to make it easier to follow our impulses toward good instead of toward the goods.
"Rewarding Strivers" presents provocative research and analysis that provides a blueprint for the way forward."--William R. Fitzsimmons, Dean of Admissions, Harvard University "The terrible 'secret' of higher education in America is that too few students from poorer families have access to it.... Kahlenberg again gathers the best thinkers on how to challenge this status quo."--Anthony Marx, President, Amherst College Today, higher education is a major force in promoting social mobility, yet colleges and universities seem more concerned with prestige than finding ways to make higher learning more accessible. Rewarding Strivers outlines two high-profile models that colleges and universities can follow in making the American Dream a realistic one for all students. Former New York Times education writer Edward B. Fiske (author of The Fiske Guide to Colleges) explores an exciting new effort to provide extra financial aid and academic support to low-income students at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He finds that the "Carolina Covenant" has much to teach public and private universities across the country. In order to benefit from financial aid and support, low-income students first must be admitted to college. In a chapter that is likely to prove highly controversial, Georgetown University's Anthony Carnevale and Jeff Strohl articulate a coherent and concrete way for colleges and universities to provide a leg up to economically disadvantaged students in selective college admissions. The authors make an important contribution to the nation's raging debate over affirmative action by calling on universities to expand preferences beyond race to also include socioeconomic status, and outlining how such a program could work in practice.
The use of race-based affirmative action in higher education has given rise to hundreds of books and law review articles, numerous court decisions, and several state initiatives to ban the practice. However, surprisingly little has been said or written or done to challenge a larger, longstanding "affirmative action" program that tends to benefit wealthy whites: legacy preferences for the children of alumni. "Affirmative Action for the Rich" sketches the origins of legacy preferences, examines the philosophical issues they raise, outlines the extent of their use today, studies their impact on university fundraising, and reviews their implications for civil rights. In addition, the book outlines two new theories challenging the legality of legacy preferences, examines how a judge might review those claims, and assesses public policy options for curtailing alumni preferences. The book includes chapters by Michael Lind of the New America Foundation; Peter Schmidt of the "Chronicle of Higher Education"; former "Wall Street Journal" reporter Daniel Golden; Chad Coffman of Winnemac Consulting, attorney Tara O'Neil, and student Brian Starr; John Brittain of the University of the District of Columbia Law School and attorney Eric Bloom; Carlton Larson of the University of California--Davis School of Law; attorneys Steve Shadowen and Sozi Tulante; Sixth Circuit Court Judge Boyce F. Martin Jr. and attorney Donya Khalili; and education writer Peter Sacks.
Richard D. Kahlenberg offers a narrative on the man who would become one of the most important voices in public education and American politics in the last quarter century - Albert Shanker.
As the United States experiences dramatic demographic change--and as our society's income inequality continues to rise--promoting racial, ethnic, and economic inclusion at selective colleges has become more important than ever. At the same time, however, many Americans--including several members of the U.S. Supreme Court--are uneasy with explicitly using race as a factor in college admissions. The Court's decision in Fisher v. University of Texas emphasized that universities can use race in admissions only when "necessary," and that universities bear "the ultimate burden of demonstrating, before turning to racial classifications, that available, workable race-neutral alternatives do not suffice." With race-based admission programs increasingly curtailed, The Future of Affirmative Action explores race-neutral approaches as a method of promoting college diversity after Fisher decision. The volume suggests that Fisher might on the one hand be a further challenge to the use of racial criteria in admissions, but on the other presents a new opportunity to tackle, at long last, the burgeoning economic divisions in our system of higher education, and in society as a whole. Contributions from: Danielle Allen (Princeton); John Brittain (University of the District of Columbia) and Benjamin Landy (MSNBC.com); Nancy Cantor and Peter Englot (Rutgers-Newark); Anthony P. Carnevale, Stephen J. Rose, and Jeff Strohl (Georgetown University); Dalton Conley (New York University); Arthur L. Coleman and Teresa E. Taylor (EducationCounsel LLC); Matthew N. Gaertner (Pearson); Sara Goldrick-Rab (University of Wisconsin-Madison); Scott Greytak (Campinha Bacote LLC); Catharine Hill (Vassar); Richard D. Kahlenberg (The Century Foundation); Richard L. McCormick (Rutgers); Nancy G. McDuff (University of Georgia); Halley Potter (The Century Foundation); Alexandria Walton Radford (RTI International) and Jessica Howell (College Board); Richard Sander (UCLA School of Law); and Marta Tienda (Princeton).
“A remarkable new book.... Wise and energetic advocates such as Kahlenberg and Potter can take the charter movement in new and useful directions.” —The Washington Post Moving beyond the debate over whether or not charter schools should exist, A Smarter Charter wrestles with the question of what kind of charter schools we should encourage. The authors begin by tracing the evolution of charter schools from teacher union leader Albert Shanker’s original vision of giving teachers room to innovate while educating a diverse population of students, to today’s charter schools where the majority of teachers are not unionized and student segregation levels are even higher than in traditional public schools. In the second half of the book, the authors examine two key reforms currently seen in a small but growing number of charter schools—teacher voice and socioeconomic integration—that have the potential to improve performance and reshape the stereotypical image of what it means to be a charter school. Important reading for policymakers, educators, researchers, and all citizens interested in the future of America’s public schools, A Smarter Charter features: Profiles of charter schools that are bucking the prevailing trends, including their performance data and the challenges they face. Best practices from successful charter schools, such as methods for attracting a diverse student body and examples of innovative teacher contracts. Reform strategies that can improve student outcomes in a variety of public schools, not just charters. “Kahlenberg and Potter have delivered a thought-provoking, serious contribution. Agree or not with their views on the purpose and performance of charter schools, they have important things to say on where charters have been, where they need to go, and how they can get there. Friends and foes of charter schooling, alike, would do well to read this book.” —Frederick M. Hess, resident scholar and director of Education Policy Studies, American Enterprise Institute “Read this book and draw inspiration and ideas from charter schools and educators bucking the trend and reclaiming that original, collaborative, and powerful promise and spirit. I hope parents, educators in all sectors, concerned citizens, policymakers, philanthropists—and charter sector leaders—will take its compelling message to heart and act on it.” —Dennis Van Roekel, former president, National Education Association “A tour-de-force, laying out in singular fashion what has gone wrong with the charter school movement, and what must be done to get it back on track.... A Smarter Charter is a must-read for those concerned with the future of charter schools and public education.” —Randi Weingarten, president, American Federation of Teachers
In the United States, where social mobility has been considered a birthright, community colleges are essential to that promise. But America's one thousand community colleges, which educate nine million students, often fall short of their potential. The lion's share of the blame lies with policies that systematically shortchange community colleges financially, asking twoyear institutions to educate those students who tend to have the greatest needs, using the fewest financial resources. What can be done? With the support of the William T. Grant Foundation, a twentyonemember Century Foundation Working Group analyzed the problem over a twoyear period, and now offer a bold set of recommendations. Among them, the group calls for the creation of a new body of research that will establish, for the first time, what it costs to provide a strong community college education. Such studies, which are commonplace at the K-12 level, could provide guidance to policymakers on the amount of money to invest in community colleges, and could provide support to community college leaders on where best to invest. Much better research could greatly improve decisionmaking, the Working Group suggests, substantially boosting the life chances of community college students, and jumpstarting social mobility in America. This volume includes the report of the Working Group, along with three background papers: Bruce Baker and Jesse Levin, "Estimating the Real Cost of Community College" Anthony P. Carnevale, Artem Gulish, and Jeff Strohl, "Educational Adequacy in the TwentyFirst Century" Richard D. Kahlenberg, Robert S. Shireman, Kimberly Quick, and Tariq Habash, "Policy Strategies for Pursuing Adequate Funding of Community Colleges
This book describes Magnet Schools throughout the USA by providing: research, theme development, school descriptions, award-winning schools, alumni quotes, and a vision for the future of Magnet schools and school desegregation. Magnet schools are the major form of school desegregation in the country. Research also indicates that magnet schools are incubators of educational innovations and have also evidenced gains in student achievement. The audience for this book is educators, legislators, academic,ics and parents.
American society has grown dramatically more unequal over the past quarter century. The economic gains of American workers after World War II have slowly been eroded--in part because organized labor has gone from encompassing one-third of the private sector workers to less than one-tenth. One reason for the labor movement's collapse is the existence of weak labor laws that, for example, impose only minimal penalties on employers who illegally fire workers for trying to organize a union. Attempts to reform labor law have fallen short because labor is caught in a political box: To achieve reform, labor needs the political power that comes from expanding union membership; to grow, however, unions need labor law reform. "Labor Organizing as a Civil Right" lays out the case for a new approach, one that takes the issue beyond the confines of labor law by amending the Civil Rights Act so that it prohibits discrimination against workers trying to organize a union. The authors argue that this strategy would have two significant benefits. First, enhanced penalties under the Civil Rights Act would provide a greater deterrent against the illegal firing of employees who try to organize. Second, as a political matter, identifying the ability to form a union as a civil right frames the issue in a way that Americans can readily understand. The book explains the American labor movement's historical importance to social change, it provides data on the failure of current law to deter employer abuses, and it compares U.S. labor protections to those of most other developed nations. It also contains a detailed discussion of what amending the Civil Rights Act to protect labor organizing would mean as well as an outline of the connection between civil rights and labor movements and analysis of the politics of civil rights and labor law reform.
Together for the first time: two masterworks on the undercurrents of the American mind by one of our greatest historians Richard Hofstadter's Anti-Intellectualism in American Life and The Paranoid Style in American Politics are two essential works that lay bare the worrying trends of irrationalism, demagoguery, destructive populism, and conspiratorial thinking that have long influenced American politics and culture. Whether underground or--as in our present moment--out in the open, these currents of resentment, suspicion, and conspiratorial delusion received their authoritative treatment from Hofstadter, among the greatest of twentieth-century American historians, at a time when many public intellectuals and scholars did not take them seriously enough. These two masterworks are joined here by Sean Wilentz's selection of Hofstadter's most trenchant uncollected writings of the postwar period: discussions of the Constitution's framers, the personality and legacy of FDR, higher education and its discontents, the relationship of fundamentalism to right-wing politics, and the advent of the modern conservative movement.
The latest addition to Praeger's Dialogues in Contemporary Psychology Series, this book is a dialogue with one of the seminal contributors to American psychology. Albert Bandura: The Man and His Ideas will introduce the reader to Bandura's major ideas and points of view, conveying through the extemporaneousness of the dialogue style a feeling for his personality. Posing questions which focus on Bandura's research and published works, editor Richard Evans gives the reader an overview that traces Bandura's career from early training onward. With an introduction by noted psychologist Ernest R. Hilgard and a complete bibliography of Bandura's published work, this book will prove an invaluable resource for students and scholars. The book begins with an examination of Bandura's early training and how he was influenced by the logical positivism and behavioralism which pervaded during the Kenneth Spence era at Iowa. He talks about his early work on modeling and how he developed and applied an empirical theory based approach to psychotherapy. In subsequent chapters Bandura discusses his theories and research in the area of aggression and how the results from his research have become an issue in public policy regarding such issues as the role of mass media in generating violence. He talks about his conceptions of moral development and moral disengagement. He discusses his views on the role of competency and skills in the individual and how they relate to the individual's level of self-efficacy. Finally, Bandura reacts to some of the criticism of his work.
The personal story of Richard Hoffman describes his childhood in blue-collar, postwar Allentown, life in a family with two terminally ill children, struggle with and recovery from alcoholism, and confrontation with his father.
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