For more than a decade now, the issue of Scottish independence has been one of the key features in British politics and has raised questions as to the likely survival of the United Kingdom in the post Brexit era. In Scotland, the SNP has been in government since 2007 and has established a political hegemony that makes it the most successful political party in terms of electoral politics in Europe. Yet, the political philosophy of this movement has not been studied in any great depth and a number of basic questions remain unanswered, such as why is the movement non-violent and constitutional? Why does it believe that Scotland as a nation should exercise its right to self-determination and how does it square a largely outward-looking and cosmopolitan vision of society with nationalism? This book answers these important questions. By examining the evolution of nationalist ideas on Scottish history, its relationship to the philosophy of nationalism, as well as how the Treaty of Union between Scotland and England created an unusual legal and constitutional framework, this book offers new insights into Scottish history and Scotland's place within the Union and relates it to wider international and imperial British history.
This volume looks at the way that perceptions of Scottish identity have changed through the centuries, from early medieval to modern times. 'The idea of Scotland as a single country, corresponding to the realm of the king of Scots, and of the Scots as all the kingdom's inhabitants, may only have taken root during the 13th century.' – Dauvit Broun 'The 18th century is marked by a period of often competing Scottish identities, and the emergence of the British state as a complicating factor in the equation.' – R. J. Finlay 'Scottish identity has never been a fixed, immutable idea, whether held in the head or in the gut . . . some of the most enduring myths of Scotland's Protestant identity were, like Ireland's Catholic identity, creations of the 19th century: they included Jenny Geddes as a Protestant Dame Scotia, throwing a stool into the works of an Anglican-style church, and the Magdalen Chapel in Edinburgh, the home of a staunchly Catholic graft guild throughout much of the 1560s becoming the "workshop of the Reformation" in John Knox's time.' – Michael Lynch
Faith and Slavery in the Presbyterian Diaspora considers how, in areas as diverse as the New Hebrides, Scotland, the United States, and East Central Africa, men’s and women’s shared Presbyterian faith conditioned their interpretations of and interactions with the institution of chattel slavery. The chapters highlight how Presbyterians’ reactions to slavery –which ranged from abolitionism, to indifference, to support—reflected their considered application of the principles of the Reformed Tradition to the institution. Consequently, this collection reveals how the particular ways in which Presbyterians framed the Reformed Tradition made slavery an especially problematic and fraught issue for adherents to the faith. Faith and Slavery, by situating slavery at the nexus of Presbyterian theology and practice, offers a fresh perspective on the relationship between religion and slavery. It reverses the all too common assumption that religion primarily served to buttress existing views on slavery, by illustrating how groups’ and individuals reactions to slavery emerged from their understanding of the Presbyterian faith. The collection’s geographic reach—encompassing the experiences of people from Europe, Africa, America, and the Pacific—filtered through the lens of Presbyterianism also highlights the global dimensions of slavery and the debates surrounding it. The institution and the challenges it presented, Faith and Slavery stresses, reflected less the peculiar conditions of a particular place and time, than the broader human condition as people attempt to understand and shape their world.
This is the first comprehensive account of the formation of the Scottish National Party, and it explains the peculiar circumstances in the inter-war era which gave rise to this phenomenon. The text fills a vacuum in one of the most under-researched periods of Scottish history, while its topicality is heightened and spread by contemporary interest in European nationalism. The book is essential reading for students of Scottish history, British political history, politics and Scottish Studies from senior school level onwards. The introductory chapter examines in depth the role of the Scottish Home Rule Association in Scottish politics in the period after the First World War up to the time of its collapse and the formation of the Scottish National Party in 1928. Subsequent chapters comprise detailed accounts of the Scottish National League 1920–28, the National Party of Scotland 1928–33, the formation of the Scottish National Party, the 'Wilderness Years' 1933–39, and the impact of the SNP on Scottish political development during the Second World War. The role of nationalism in Scottish political development is assessed, and the author demonstrates how this period was crucial to the formation of modern Scottish nationalism, and how important this development has been in determining the response of Unionist politicians.
Actor Richard Beale was a young officer in the Royal Navy during the Second World War. In the summer of 2014, he sat down to write a memoir of that time, now more than 70 years ago. The result is an engaging and often humorous account of his wartime service in the Royal Navy, from just prior to joining up until his demobilisation and subsequent return to civilian life. During his naval career, Richard rose from a humble rating to become commander of a series of coastal patrol craft, the last of which was HMS ML 135, sailing one from the UK to Malta and latterly covering the Royal Navy's campaign in Greek and Croatian waters, including minesweeping duties. His story includes accounts of a number of key engagements, including one in which he was badly wounded, and encounters with Greek bandits and British spies. But it is not simply a naval memoir, as he also recalls memories of love affairs, special friendships and the enduring companionship of his beloved spaniel, Simon, who accompanied him in the initial stages of his career.
How can opportunities for teaching and learning be improved to ensure that many more people participate, gain qualifications and obtain decent jobs? Will government policies enable us to achieve these goals? What new ideas do we need to ensure a more inclusive, equitable and efficient learning system? These are some of the main concerns which underlie this thought-provoking book coming from a major research project looking at how policies affect learners, tutors, managers and institutional leaders in Further Education Colleges, Adult and Community Learning centres and in Work Based Learning sites. Post compulsory education in the UK has been constantly restructured by the New Labour government and has been subject to considerable policy turbulence over the last few years. This book attempts to understand this important but poorly understood sector by both talking to students and front-line staff and by interviewing the officials responsible for managing post-compulsory education and lifelong learning. By examining the sector simultaneously from the ‘bottom up’ and from ‘top down’, the authors show how recent policy is affecting three disadvantaged groups - 16-19 year olds who have fared poorly in official tests at school; unemployed adults learning basic skills; and employees at work learning basic skills. The authors conclude that there are serious failings and suggest principles and features of a more equitable and effective learning system.
First published in 1998, this book addresses a central issue in housing: that of ‘need’ and how to meet it. Need refers either to individual household circumstances or to the aggregate requirement for new (social and market) housing. The book develops a new policy mechanism to address the present fragmented policy situation. The mechanism now used to allocate finance and new social housing numbers is complex and ineffective in terms of meeting needs. The book’s proposals are rooted in clear definitions of the key terms, especially that of housing need, which suffers from lack of any clear definition. The analysis is developed using a large database of survey information covering England and Wales. The proposed policy mechanism should be of great interest at a time when radical change to local government are being considered. The proposed mechanism would greatly increase value for money of public time and expenditure on (planning for) social housing.
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