This book provides a full-length examination of the political theories and principles and democratic values underlying current election law debates and the regulation of political campaigns and participants in the United States. Topics covered range from campaign finance reform, voting rights, reapportionment and ballot access to the rights of political parties, the media and other players in the system. The study challenges much of the current debate in election law and argues for more discussion and development of a democratic political theory to support and guide election law jurisprudence.
Israel is the only new state among the twenty-one countries in the world today that have maintained democracy without interruption since the end of the Second World War. Israel's case is all the more notable because its democracy was established under extremely adverse conditions: massive immigration; severe social dislocation; the introduction of ethnic, cultural, linguistic, religious, and national differences; rapid economic growth; a permanent security threat that led to five major wars in thirty-five years; and a population that, in the main, had little or no experience of a democratic order. In this insightful study of Israel's founding period from 1948 to 1967, Peter Medding addresses this puzzle, providing a lucid account of the political and historical conditions that gave rise to this distinctive period, as well as the changes which brought it to an end. The result is an eminently readable account of the state-building process and of the role played by David Ben-Gurion and other politicians in moving from consensus politics to a majoritarian-like democracy. Medding's analysis is further enriched by his comparisons of the development of Israeli democracy with that of other countries.
Constitutional Democracy systematically examines how the basic constitutional structure of governments affects what they can accomplish. This relationship is especially important at a time when Americans are increasingly disillusioned about government's fundamental ability to reach solutions for domestic problems, and when countries in the former Soviet block and around the world are rewriting their constitutions. Political economist Mueller illuminates the links between the structure of democratic government and the outcomes it achieves by drawing comparisons between the American system and other government systems around the world. Working from the "public choice" perspective in political science, the book analyzes electoral rules, voting rules, federalism, bicameralism, citizenship, and separation of powers. It will be of great interest to students and scholars of political economy.
How does the more equitable representation of women in positions of power affect male and female citizens? We argue that the election of women to political office-particularly where women's presence is highly visible to the public-strengthens the connections between women and the democratic process. For women, seeing more "people like me" in politics changes attitudes and orientations toward the democratic process. Substantial variation persists across the region in gender gaps in political engagement and political support. To assess the effects that women's officeholding has on these, we pair comparative survey data from Latin American countries with case study evidence from Uruguay. The Uruguayan case offers a unique laboratory for testing the impact of women's representation in elected positions of power on political engagement and support. Our panel survey of Uruguayan citizens reveals that the expected gender gaps in political knowledge, political interest, and other forms of political engagement were alive and well six weeks before the elections. Yet, just six weeks following the election-after the use of a gender quota had led to a doubling of women's representation in the Senate-those gender gaps had largely disappeared or had significantly waned. Our findings indicate that far-reaching gender gaps can be overcome by more equitable representation in our political institutions"--
Many developing countries pursue policies of rapid industrialization in order to achieve faster economic growth. Some policies cause displacement forcing many individuals to take up a fight against the state. Interestingly some of these dissenting individuals are more successful in organizing their protests than others. In this book, Ashok Swain demonstrates how displaced people mobilize to protest with the help of their social networks. Studying protests against large industrial and development projects, Swain compares the mobilization process between a traditionally protest rich and a protest poor region in India to explain how social network structures are a key component to understand this variation. He reveals how improved mobilization capability coincides with their evolving social network structure thanks to recent exposure to external actors like religious missionaries and radical left activists. The in-depth examination of the existing literature on social mobilization and extensive fieldwork conducted in India make this book a well-organized and useful resource to analyze protest mobilization in developing regions.
This text provides a systematic and comprehensive study of 70 electoral systems used by 27 democracies, including those of Western Europe, Australia, Canada, the USA, Costa Rica, India, Israel, Japan and New Zealand.
Based on more than 500 hours of interviews with key political elites (under both the Franco regime and the current democracy), extensive analyses of public opinion and electoral behavior surveys, and other original research, the book sheds important new light on Spain's democractic regime and its key institutions."--BOOK JACKET.
While some people debate whether globalization really exists, it proceeds apace, affecting all societies. It presents us with unknown challenges and, as governments start to discuss what to do about these challenges, it is becoming obvious that globalization is not manageable. With globalization the juggernaut of the 21st century, all countries of the world become interdependent in relation to the coming energy crisis, climate change, the sharper cleavages between rich and poor countries and people, and the emergence of a multicultural social structure. This interesting and erudite book adopts a distinctive approach to the multiple dimensions of the globalization debate. The impressive coverage of philosophical thought – including Popper, Weber, Habermas, Lipset and Hobbes – makes a valuable contribution to the debates on globalization.
Our world is currently divided into territorial states that resist all attempts to change their borders. But what entitles a state, or the people it represents, to assume monopoly control over a particular piece of the Earth's surface? Why are they allowed to prevent others from entering? What if two or more states, or two or more groups of people, claim the same piece of land? Political philosophy, which has had a great deal to say about the relationship between state and citizen, has largely ignored these questions about territory. This book provides answers. It justifies the idea of territory itself in terms of the moral value of political self-determination; it also justifies, within limits, those elements that we normally associate with territorial rights: rights of jurisdiction, rights over resources, right to control borders and so on. The book offers normative guidance over a number of important issues facing us today, all of which involve territory and territorial rights, but which are currently dealt with by ad hoc reasoning: disputes over resources; disputes over boundaries, oceans, unoccupied islands, and the frozen Arctic; disputes rooted in historical injustices with regard to land; secessionist conflicts; and irredentist conflicts. In a world in which there is continued pressure on borders and control over resources, from prospective migrants and from the desperate poor, and no coherent theory of territory to think through these problems, this book offers an original, systematic, and sophisticated theory of why territory matters, who has rights over territory, and the scope and limits of these rights.
Many observers of American politics believe that representative government, particularly in the Congress, is failing. This book examines the case for failure: what are the outward signs, and how do they reflect breaches of underlying norms of fair and effective representation? The book argues that good representation demands healthy competition between parties, but that in today's America, that competition has run off the rails.
The Challenge of Democracy is well-known for its exploration of two themes: the conflicting values of freedom, order, and equality and the majoritarianism vs. pluralism debate. In addition, a focus on globalization and its implications helps students put American government in a broader context. Current coverage includes the latest developments in American Government, including the results of key races in the 2006 mid-term election. Student Achievement Series: The Challenge of Democracy is an innovative text and part of a program developed in partnership with teachers and students to meet the learning, study, and assessment goals necessary for student success. Through extensive research and focus groups conducted with a diverse cross-section of students, Houghton Mifflin presents a groundbreaking solution for skills mastery, understanding, and retention. Feedback from students has been instrumental in all aspects of development--from design and pedagogy to testing and assessment to title and packaging. These elements culminate in a textbook program that reflects the way students learn and study best. As with all texts in the Student Achievement Series, The Challenge of Democracy incorporates concise, to-the-point coverage; eliminates extraneous material; integrates pedagogy that reinforces key concepts; features a strong, supporting web component for review, testing, and assessment purposes; and provides students with real value for their educational dollar.
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