A unique record of trends in social and economic attitudes and perceptions held by the adult American population over the past three decades is now available for the first time in composite book form from the archives of the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan. The volume represents a culling of sample survey items which have been repeated at multiple points since World War II, presented in clear time-series form both for the population as a whole, and for standard breakdowns by age, sex, race, and social class. Nearly 100 variables are included, ranging from subjective reports of social class location or frequency of church attendance, through racial attitudes and perceptions, to views on women's roles, work and retirement, life quality, family financial situations, the state of the national economy, government spending, and war and peace. This compendium of texts, tables, and time-series graphs shows provocative patterns of constancy and change in the social and economic perspectives of the population, complementing and illuminating "hard" population and economic data for the same period from the Census Bureau and other government sources. It is a critical reference book for sociologists, political scientists, contemporary historians, journalists, political commentators, and others.
There can scarcely be a greater tribute to the vitality of the Fifth Republic's democracy than this monumental work. A searching analysis of how the will of the voters is translated into authoritative political decision making, this book not only uncovers political truths about contemporary France but also provides a model for the study of other popular forms of government. The authors set out to find an answer to the perplexing question of how representative government operates in France in the seemingly unstable context of multiparties. By interviewing voters as well as legislators in 1967 and in 1968 after the great upheaval, and by monitoring policies of the National Assembly from 1967 to 1973, the authors test relationships between public opinion and decision making. They are able to sort out the abiding political cues that orient the French voter, to establish the normal electoral processes, to gauge the nature of mass perceptions of the political options available to voters, and to interpret the strikes, riots, and demonstrations of 1968 as a channel of communication parallel to the electoral process itself. Lucid in style, methodologically sophisticated, and often comparative in approach, Political Representation in France is a seminal work for political scientists, sociologists, and historians.
Combining the efforts of sociologists and psychologists, this work, originally published in 1952 and revised in 1966, embraces these two disciplines to show how social-psychological problems must be viewed in individual as well as general terms. Human interaction is, therefore, the main theme of this authoritative and rewarding volume, which offers a more comprehensive viewpoint than texts written from with a strictly psychological or a strictly sociological approach. Whenever it can be shown that interaction intervenes between individual and group variables, the authors carefully note the manner in which this occurs. Well written yet succinct, the chapters are closely integrated to present continuously developing concepts of the time. Research illustrations are set off typographically but skilfully woven into the related text. Three appendixes, one on the measurement of individual attitudes, a second on survey research, and a third on Bale’s interaction process analysis, may be consulted without interrupting the flow of the other chapters.
A unique record of trends in social and economic attitudes and perceptions held by the adult American population over the past three decades is now available for the first time in composite book form from the archives of the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan. The volume represents a culling of sample survey items which have been repeated at multiple points since World War II, presented in clear time-series form both for the population as a whole, and for standard breakdowns by age, sex, race, and social class. Nearly 100 variables are included, ranging from subjective reports of social class location or frequency of church attendance, through racial attitudes and perceptions, to views on women's roles, work and retirement, life quality, family financial situations, the state of the national economy, government spending, and war and peace. This compendium of texts, tables, and time-series graphs shows provocative patterns of constancy and change in the social and economic perspectives of the population, complementing and illuminating "hard" population and economic data for the same period from the Census Bureau and other government sources. It is a critical reference book for sociologists, political scientists, contemporary historians, journalists, political commentators, and others.
This unique book provides a comprehensive introduction to the most popular syntax-based statistical machine translation models, filling a gap in the current literature for researchers and developers in human language technologies. While phrase-based models have previously dominated the field, syntax-based approaches have proved a popular alternative, as they elegantly solve many of the shortcomings of phrase-based models. The heart of this book is a detailed introduction to decoding for syntax-based models. The book begins with an overview of synchronous-context free grammar (SCFG) and synchronous tree-substitution grammar (STSG) along with their associated statistical models. It also describes how three popular instantiations (Hiero, SAMT, and GHKM) are learned from parallel corpora. It introduces and details hypergraphs and associated general algorithms, as well as algorithms for decoding with both tree and string input. Special attention is given to efficiency, including search approximations such as beam search and cube pruning, data structures, and parsing algorithms. The book consistently highlights the strengths (and limitations) of syntax-based approaches, including their ability to generalize phrase-based translation units, their modeling of specific linguistic phenomena, and their function of structuring the search space.
Why do some democracies reflect their citizens' foreign policy preferences better than others? What roles do the media, political parties, and the electoral system play in a democracy's decision to join or avoid a war? War and Democratic Constraint shows that the key to how a government determines foreign policy rests on the transmission and availability of information. Citizens successfully hold their democratic governments accountable and a distinctive foreign policy emerges when two vital institutions—a diverse and independent political opposition and a robust media—are present to make timely information accessible. Matthew Baum and Philip Potter demonstrate that there must first be a politically potent opposition that can blow the whistle when a leader missteps. This counteracts leaders' incentives to obscure and misrepresent. Second, healthy media institutions must be in place and widely accessible in order to relay information from whistle-blowers to the public. Baum and Potter explore this communication mechanism during three different phases of international conflicts: when states initiate wars, when they respond to challenges from other states, or when they join preexisting groups of actors engaged in conflicts. Examining recent wars, including those in Afghanistan and Iraq, War and Democratic Constraint links domestic politics and mass media to international relations in a brand-new way.
Considers how Americans define the quality of their life experiences, as expressed in their perceptions, evaluations, and satisfactions. Based on research conducted by the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan, the book uses data which are representative of the national population eighteen years of age and older, and employs the major social characteristics of class, age, education, and income. The authors cover such topics as the residential environment, the experience of work, marriage, and family life, and personal resources and competence. They also report on the situation of women and the quality of the life experience of black people.
When we speak of theatre, we think we know what a stage direction is: we tend to think of it as an authorial requirement, devised to be complementary to the spoken text and directed at those who put on a play as to what, when, where, how or why a moment, action or its staging should be completed. This is the general understanding to condition a theatrical convention known as the 'stage direction'. As such, we recognise that the stage direction is directed towards actors, directors, designers, and any others who have a part to play in the practical realisation of the play. And perhaps we think that this has always been the case. However, the term 'stage direction' is not a medieval one, nor does an English medieval equivalent term exist to codify the functions contained in extraneous manuscript notes, requirements, directions or records. The medieval English stage direction does not generally function in this way: it mainly exists as an observed record of earlier performance. There are examples of other functions, but even they are not directed at players or those involved in creating performance. More than 2000 stage directions from 40 or so plays and cycles have been included in the catalogue of the volume, and over 400 of those have been selected for analysis throughout the work. The purpose of this research is to examine the theatrical functions of medieval English stage directions as records of earlier performance. Examples of such functions are largely taken from outdoor scriptural plays. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars in theatre, medieval history and literature.
How do Democratic and Republican party leaders react after their party has lost a presidential election? Is there a pattern of response to defeat that reflects the distinctive cultures of the two parties? This book answers these questions by examining how the two national party organizations have responded to presidential election defeats between 1956 and 1993. Drawing on party documents, interviews with party officials, and contemporary accounts, Philip Klinkner provides detailed case studies of opposition party politics. He shows that Republican national committees have reacted to losses by making organizational changes to improve campaign technology and fundraising and that losing Democrats have sought to refine or make more democratic their internal procedures for selecting delegates to the national convention or for choosing presidential candidates. Klinkner suggests that the reasons for these reactions stem from the historical development of the parties. The organizational response of the Republican party is the result of its long-term relationship with business, its homogeneity and hierarchical structure, and its minority party experience. The Democrats' emphasis on participation and representation for its constituent elements is based on its characteristic composition of social and economic out-groups, its heterogeneity and decentralization, and its tradition as the majority party.
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