Building on Fossungu's earlier works, and essentially providing Africa with original, critical, and multi-level analyses of the trio of globalization, democracy, and national determination, this book theorizes that African states have to unite in order to have any impact in the global economy. Using the failure of the Cameroon Goodwill Association of Montreal (CGAM) as a case study, the book urges Africans to make hard choices and avoid politickerization and midnight politics in favour of fossungupalogy (that is, the science of straightforwardness, necessitating the fearless looking at truth straight in the eye). The questions of the book are many but do all boil down to whether or not Africans fear the truth and do not therefore do politics. It is amazing that Africans in the West live in societies where fierce political competitors do embrace each other after one has defeated the other; but they are incapable of looking their so-called friends in the eye and saying, for example: "Man, I think you've totally gotten it wrong this time." Such comportment defines politickerization or negative competition. While attempting some possible responses to the numerous queries it raises, this book basically proffers the science of Four-Eyesism as a discipline that all African schools need to institute and make a compulsory subject: if the vandalized continent would have to be awakened to its realities. This book is rich in Fossungu's dazzling capacity to invent, define and use a multitude of new terminological constructs informed by African experiences.
From Momanys wealthy and agonizing expibasketism so much can be drawn to teach about, demote or promote, and to portray Canada as it has never been properly understood; not only by outsiders but also by Canadians themselves. This book makes an extensive and detailed use of that basket of experience to deliver the message that Canada is not at all the childrens-best-interests-friendly nation that it is often mistaken for. Canada may be entitled to what it claims to be. But, since a country or community can only be correctly seen through the workings of the institutions that incarnate it, this study has dared to show a contrary portrait. It documents and proves the theorization that most of the countrys institutions that are supposedly there to carter for and protect children and promote their wellbeing and glowing avenir often end up in reality instead actively working against the said children and all what their best interest should properly signify. The hope is that the experts in the relevant fields can find the material presented herein useful for their further specialized and in-depth analyses and sane policy formulation.
Largely concerned with Family Politics and Deception in northern North America and West-Central Africa, this book is intended mostly to provoke and enlighten. The book fossungupalogizes on whether or not northern North American courts are able to live up to the standard of 'exclusively saying exactly what the law is' in regard of the apparent war between the mounting same-sex marriage legalization drive and the traditional Western religious conception of marriage as endorsed by America's 1996 Defense of Marriage Act. It also tackles some intriguingly troubling matters emanating from African customary marriages and inheritance, subjects presenting some odd faces of marriage and family very similar at times to those engendered by same-sex marriage in northern North America. Its underlying preaching is that positive things could often be found even in tragedies. Hence, you should learn to make the best of your troubles instead of letting these haunt you - a goal easily attained by cultivating the habit of looking at the larger picture of things. Even one's "stupid" and non-professional ideas could be learning ground to more people than one ever could have imagined.
Since the mid-1980s, there has been much federalism talk in Cameroon where federation (said to have been created in Foumban in 1961) had supposedly been 'overwhelmingly' rejected in 1972 by Cameroonians. 'Confusioncracy' is the one good term that could conveniently explain it. Written with the trilogy of criticism, provocation, and construction in mind, this book aims at reconstructing a new and vigorous society in Cameroon that ensures respect for fundamental human rights and certain basic shared values. Much as the book centres on the Anglophone Problem; it is principally about human rights and their excessive violations - the direct result of the absence of separation of powers and constitutionalism. It largely condemns Cameroon's government for incessantly singing democracy and rule of law at the same time as it is massively torturing and wantonly killing citizens that dare to question the confusion. While sharing the position that a state like Cameroon must be seen to ensure that its laws and other practices accord with its international commitments, the book nonetheless strives to apportion the blame for Cameroon's human rights catastrophe accordingly; showing how the English-speaking minority itself, generally speaking, contributes to a large extent in propping up the dictatorship that is oppressing not only that minority but Cameroonians at large. The book challenges Cameroon to assume a leadership role in uniting Africans through meaningful federalization rather than further splitting them into incapable mini-states on the challenging world stage.
According to Fossungu, we need healthy competition for progress. Competition that is not geared toward progress is negative competition. No competition or the absence of self-help is negative competition. With factories competing healthily, consumers have a variety of quality goods and services from which to choose. The entire community benefits when people in any grouping are competing positively; thus making the rules of competition graphical. The central focus of this book is the extent to which Canadian regulations apply without discrimination to all of Canada and to everyone, individuals and corporations alike. A swift answer is affirmative. But is that really it? The book is also about voluntary slavery, which is worse than forced enslavement. Drawing on Ignorance Theory, the book argues that the worst thing that can happen to anyone is to be ignorant of one's ignorance. He who does not know what he does not know will never know. Voluntary African slaves generally employ 'One Has No Choice' (On n'a pas le choix) to cloak their having chosen not to secure their rights. Fossungu demonstrates why he considers this an escapist way of shying away from doing the normal thing, thus giving the dictator or oppressor reason to dictate and oppress with impunity. This is Fossungu at his provocative and controversial best.
Using expibasketical theory and findings, this book attempts to understand and explain some of the wonders of love and the impacts these have on the other human institutions (such as marriage and family) that are supposed to be erected on love and understanding. Love is a phenomenon that is hard to correctly master, most probably because it is loaded with a lot of uncertainties. This simple fact must be the reason behind the commonplace saying that love is blind; a statement that can have several interpretations, one of which being that it is hard to read or know exactly what is on the other party's mind. Love thus becomes not only an intriguing feeling but also potentially full of intrigues. Can love be so blind to realities and still be love? The book answers many of such queries by expanding and delineating the frontiers of love, and thence marriage and family.
This book deals with love, marriage/family, and witchcraft issues but its central question remains that of whether love without understanding is love. Tackling love from much broader and interdisciplinary angles than just the love-making that most love stories usually focus on, it advances the duo of love and understanding as the foundation of any successful marriage/family. Although Momany is blessed with often easily finding this rare duo, the tensions of belonging in Cameroon have been constant and persistent challenges. The book uniquely raises and brings new and ground-breaking perspectives on its subject-matters, obviously leaving many social scientists with much to do further research on.
The author looks to educate African families, particularly those who are divorced or are divorcing. He argues that social work departments, with enormous power over children's futures, are often staffed by persons with contrary ideals to those these departments stand for. Africa and Canada are specifically examined but its messages apply globally.
Using one of the continent’s supposed pathfinders, Cameroon as case-study, this book interrogates judiciary in Africa in three domains. First, as the third branch of government, second, as the acknowledged umpire of federalism, and, finally, as a means of reversing the institutionalization of in-human rights and injustice administration in Africa. While examining the roots and causes of the persisting human rights and justice administration problems in Cameroon particularly, and Africa in general, the book through the tumbu-tumbu Long-Distance Government Theory (LDGT), argues for a rethinking and freeing of strategies currently used from close to a century of colonial and neo-colonial bondage, under the confusing covers of ‘independence’ and of ‘advanced democracy’. The book challenges Africa to consider a mentality change, for a ‘real’ judiciary transformative change. The book will interest legal practitioners, social anthropologists, development studies and political science practitioners, among other such practitioners in the social sciences and humanities.
The contribution works toward achieving its mentality-changing goals by essentially providing Afrikentication lessons radiating principally around the theme: Making African education relevant to African liberation and progress. The linchpin of the book is that we Africans truly need to cease dangling uselessly and reclaim our authentic roots if we have to independently move forward. This is an objective we clearly cannot correctly achieve when our intellectuals and universities (among others) who are supposed to be furnishing our liberation movements with sane policy and thought-leadership do continue in the same old colonial way of sheepish ‘theorising’ that excessively indulges in obliterating genuine African perspectives. Indigenous African education is the way to go! An inevitable rethinking in education, culture, and religion in Africa is recommended, basing on innovation and critical thinking which are sure highlights of communalism, which is a defining feature of the African way of life. The book thus harps on the need to recentralise African values and philosophy in the freedom and governance of the continent, as well as stressing the dire need for unity and visionary, dedicated and patriotic leadership.
Using one of the continent’s supposed pathfinders, Cameroon as case-study, this book interrogates judiciary in Africa in three domains. First, as the third branch of government, second, as the acknowledged umpire of federalism, and, finally, as a means of reversing the institutionalization of in-human rights and injustice administration in Africa. While examining the roots and causes of the persisting human rights and justice administration problems in Cameroon particularly, and Africa in general, the book through the tumbu-tumbu Long-Distance Government Theory (LDGT), argues for a rethinking and freeing of strategies currently used from close to a century of colonial and neo-colonial bondage, under the confusing covers of ‘independence’ and of ‘advanced democracy’. The book challenges Africa to consider a mentality change, for a ‘real’ judiciary transformative change. The book will interest legal practitioners, social anthropologists, development studies and political science practitioners, among other such practitioners in the social sciences and humanities.
Using expibasketical theory and findings, this book attempts to understand and explain some of the wonders of love and the impacts these have on the other human institutions (such as marriage and family) that are supposed to be erected on love and understanding. Love is a phenomenon that is hard to correctly master, most probably because it is loaded with a lot of uncertainties. This simple fact must be the reason behind the commonplace saying that love is blind; a statement that can have several interpretations, one of which being that it is hard to read or know exactly what is on the other party's mind. Love thus becomes not only an intriguing feeling but also potentially full of intrigues. Can love be so blind to realities and still be love? The book answers many of such queries by expanding and delineating the frontiers of love, and thence marriage and family.
Since the mid-1980s, there has been much federalism talk in Cameroon where federation (said to have been created in Foumban in 1961) had supposedly been 'overwhelmingly' rejected in 1972 by Cameroonians. 'Confusioncracy' is the one good term that could conveniently explain it. Written with the trilogy of criticism, provocation, and construction in mind, this book aims at reconstructing a new and vigorous society in Cameroon that ensures respect for fundamental human rights and certain basic shared values. Much as the book centres on the Anglophone Problem; it is principally about human rights and their excessive violations - the direct result of the absence of separation of powers and constitutionalism. It largely condemns Cameroon's government for incessantly singing democracy and rule of law at the same time as it is massively torturing and wantonly killing citizens that dare to question the confusion. While sharing the position that a state like Cameroon must be seen to ensure that its laws and other practices accord with its international commitments, the book nonetheless strives to apportion the blame for Cameroon's human rights catastrophe accordingly; showing how the English-speaking minority itself, generally speaking, contributes to a large extent in propping up the dictatorship that is oppressing not only that minority but Cameroonians at large. The book challenges Cameroon to assume a leadership role in uniting Africans through meaningful federalization rather than further splitting them into incapable mini-states on the challenging world stage.
According to Fossungu, we need healthy competition for progress. Competition that is not geared toward progress is negative competition. No competition or the absence of self-help is negative competition. With factories competing healthily, consumers have a variety of quality goods and services from which to choose. The entire community benefits when people in any grouping are competing positively; thus making the rules of competition graphical. The central focus of this book is the extent to which Canadian regulations apply without discrimination to all of Canada and to everyone, individuals and corporations alike. A swift answer is affirmative. But is that really it? The book is also about voluntary slavery, which is worse than forced enslavement. Drawing on Ignorance Theory, the book argues that the worst thing that can happen to anyone is to be ignorant of one's ignorance. He who does not know what he does not know will never know. Voluntary African slaves generally employ 'One Has No Choice' (On n'a pas le choix) to cloak their having chosen not to secure their rights. Fossungu demonstrates why he considers this an escapist way of shying away from doing the normal thing, thus giving the dictator or oppressor reason to dictate and oppress with impunity. This is Fossungu at his provocative and controversial best.
From Momany's wealthy and agonizing expibasketism so much can be drawn to teach about, demote or promote, and to portray Canada as it has never been properly understood; not only by outsiders but also by Canadians themselves. This book makes an extensive and detailed use of that basket of experience to deliver the message that Canada is not at all the 'children's-best-interests-friendly' nation that it is often mistaken for. Canada may be entitled to what it claims to be. But, since a country or community can only be correctly seen through the workings of the institutions that incarnate it, this study has dared to show a contrary portrait. It documents and proves the theorization that most of the country's institutions that are supposedly there to carter for and protect children and promote their wellbeing and glowing avenir often end up in reality instead actively working against the said children and all what their best interest should properly signify. The hope is that the experts in the relevant fields can find the material presented herein useful for their further specialized and in-depth analyses and sane policy formulation.
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