Paul Merkley draws on the published literature of the World Council of Churches, the Middle East Council of Churches, the Roman Catholic Church, and other Christian organizations that have an interest in the question of Israel's past, present, and future, and on interviews with numerous key figures within the government of Israel, spokesmen for the Palestine Authority, and leaders of all the major pro and anti-Zionist Christian organizations to demonstrate that Christian attitudes towards Israel remain remarkably polarized. To most evangelical and fundamentalist Christians, loyalty to Israel is a kind of second patriotism, nurtured by the conviction that Israel's restoration is a part of God's plan for history. However mainstream Protestantism champions "Palestinian nationalism" and, drawing on the rhetoric of the Middle East Council of Churches, does not hesitate to portray Israel as an Aoppressor." Merkley concludes that Christian attitudes towards Israel reflect fundamental theological attitudes that must be studied against the long historical background of Christian attitudes towards Judaism and Islam.
Shortly after the end of the Second World War, President Harry S Truman declared his support for the creation and maintenance of the modern state of Israel, basing that support on religious and theological grounds. This is the first book to explore the connection between the religious backgrounds and beliefs of U.S. presidents in relation to their policies toward Israel. From Truman to Ford, U.S. presidents relied, in part, on their religious and moral commitments to support their policies and views toward Israel. Beginning with Carter, however, presidents have abandoned the role of champions of Israel to become champion of the Peace Process, stressing peace and a secular approach that rises above the religious and theological fray. And yet, even in the context of this attempted fair-mindedness, U.S. presidents reveal their personal religious and moral beliefs in their responses to the issue of Israel. Today, George W. Bush, one of the most vocally religious presidents, seems poised to take up the tradition once again of relying on his religious convictions to justify his positions toward the Arab-Israeli conflict. Here, Merkley argues that while faith alone does not determine action, or that it even has a controlling influence, religious belief does play a role in the policies that U.S. presidents, and the nation, adopt toward Israel. When Truman declared, I am Cyrus, he was emphatically grounding his support of the modern state of Israel in his belief in the Bible. Referring to the Persian king who allowed the Jews to return to Israel, and to build the Second Temple, Truman revealed his religious commitments and supported his policies on biblical grounds. Bringing to the fore neglected evidence of the role of religious belief in policies toward Israel, Merkley explores an overlooked aspect of presidential decision-making, suggesting that religion, while not the only factor, is at least among the influences that determine a president's view of the Arab-Israeli conflict. From Truman to Ford, policies often reflected the Evangelical traditions that dictated unyielding support of Israel, but with Carter's commitment to the peace process above all else, the trend turned toward moral absolutes and more general religious beliefs that could sustain arguments for a negotiated peace. George W. Bush, thus far, however, has clearly demonstrated his personal religious beliefs and may, in the end, reclaim the mantle of Cyrus.
The cause of 'Restoration' of the Jews to Zion first became a political force in the United States with the publication in 1891 of the 'Blackstone Memorial'. But the model for collaboration between Christian Restorationists and official Zionists was set by Theodor Herzl himself, and William Hechler, a British Restorationist pamphleteer, who was in fact the first of Herzl's followers to achieve audience for the Zionist leader with the Christian princes of the day. Thereafter, many significant friendships between Christian Zionists and official Zionists served to win the public mind and the cooperation of the politicians for actions that would lead to the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. The author searched Presidential archives, Jewish historical libraries, and official Zionist records in both the US and Israel for evidence of dealings between official Zionists and active Christian Restorationists. Much of this record appears in print for the first time in this book, and is here linked to the much better known story of the dealings of the official Zionists with the politicians and the elected leaders of Britain and the US. This story contains many lessons for students of American politics, foreign policy, and religion - fields that sometimes intersect in ways not readily conceded by scholars.
Dr. Merkley explores one of the most contentious issues of modern Christian theology and politics - the issue of Christian attitudes to the Jewish homeland, Israel. For too long, this issue has escaped rigorous theological and historical treatment by scholars representing the pro-Israel side of Christianity. He takes readers back to the origins of Christian-Zionism in exegesis of Scripture and recalls the story of Christian attitudes towards the Jews over the two millennia since the destruction of the Second Temple. Confronting the historical distortions of the anti-Zionists, he provides a calm, proud and scholarly defense of Christian Zionism. For readers seeking a deeper understanding of Christian attitudes towards Israel, this is a must read. "The Lord said to Abram, "Leave your own country, your kinsmen, and your father's house, and go to a country I will show you. I will make you a great nation. I will bless you and make your name so great that it shall be used in blessings: Those that bless you I will bless, Those that curse you, I will execrate. All the families on earth Will pray to be blessed as you are blessed." (Genesis 12:1-5)
For this book Professor Merkley has researched presidential archives, Jewish historical libraries and official Zionist records in the US and in Israel for evidence of the dealings between official Zionists and active Christian Restorationists. Much of this record appears here for the first time in print and is linked to the much better known history of the relationship between the official Zionists and the politicians and leaders of the US and Britain.
During the 1947 United Nations debate on the future of Palestine, world opinion was powerfully affected by news of the Holocaust and the plight of Jewish refugees, creating a momentary humanitarian advantage that helped mobilize support for the creation of the state of Israel. However, almost as soon as it became clear that the Jews had won their war for independence, anti-Zionists within Christianity reasserted themselves. A pro-Arab bloc of Western missionaries at the World Council of Churches echoed the anti-Zionism that has always characterized those churches which today constitute the Middle East Council of Churches, while the Roman Catholic Church, never friendly to Zionism, advocated the "internationalization" of Jerusalem to diminish the Jewish presence in the heart of the Holy Land. Mainstream Protestantism championed "Palestinian nationalism," and still does not hesitate to portray Israel as an "oppressor," but most evangelical Christians see Israel's restoration as a part of God's plan. In Christian Attitudes towards the State of Israel Paul Merkley demonstrates that polarized opinion continues to affect how Israel is perceived today.
Shortly after the end of the Second World War, President Harry S Truman declared his support for the creation and maintenance of the modern state of Israel, basing that support on religious and theological grounds. This is the first book to explore the connection between the religious backgrounds and beliefs of U.S. presidents in relation to their policies toward Israel. From Truman to Ford, U.S. presidents relied, in part, on their religious and moral commitments to support their policies and views toward Israel. Beginning with Carter, however, presidents have abandoned the role of champions of Israel to become champion of the Peace Process, stressing peace and a secular approach that rises above the religious and theological fray. And yet, even in the context of this attempted fair-mindedness, U.S. presidents reveal their personal religious and moral beliefs in their responses to the issue of Israel. Today, George W. Bush, one of the most vocally religious presidents, seems poised to take up the tradition once again of relying on his religious convictions to justify his positions toward the Arab-Israeli conflict. Here, Merkley argues that while faith alone does not determine action, or that it even has a controlling influence, religious belief does play a role in the policies that U.S. presidents, and the nation, adopt toward Israel. When Truman declared, I am Cyrus, he was emphatically grounding his support of the modern state of Israel in his belief in the Bible. Referring to the Persian king who allowed the Jews to return to Israel, and to build the Second Temple, Truman revealed his religious commitments and supported his policies on biblical grounds. Bringing to the fore neglected evidence of the role of religious belief in policies toward Israel, Merkley explores an overlooked aspect of presidential decision-making, suggesting that religion, while not the only factor, is at least among the influences that determine a president's view of the Arab-Israeli conflict. From Truman to Ford, policies often reflected the Evangelical traditions that dictated unyielding support of Israel, but with Carter's commitment to the peace process above all else, the trend turned toward moral absolutes and more general religious beliefs that could sustain arguments for a negotiated peace. George W. Bush, thus far, however, has clearly demonstrated his personal religious beliefs and may, in the end, reclaim the mantle of Cyrus.
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