In his timely book, Mikhail Suslov discusses contemporary Russian geopolitical culture and argues that a better knowledge of geopolitical concepts and fantasies is instrumental for understanding Russia’s policies. Specifically, he analyzes such concepts as “Eurasianism,” “Holy Russia,” “Russian civilization,” “Russia as a continent,” “Novorossia,” and others. He demonstrates that these concepts reached unprecedented ascendance in the Russian public debates, tending to overshadow other political and domestic discussions. Suslov argues that the geopolitical imagination, structured by these concepts, defines the identity of post-Soviet Russia, while this complex of geopolitical representations engages, at the same time, with the broader, international criticism of the Western liberal world order and aligns itself with the conservative defense of cultural authenticity across the globe. Geopolitical ideologies and utopias discussed in the book give the post-Soviet political mainstream the intellectual instruments to think about Russia’s exclusion—imaginary or otherwise—from the processes of a global world which is re-shaping itself after the end of the Cold War; they provide tools to construct the self-perception of Russia as a sovereign great-power, a self-sufficient civilization, and as one of the poles in a multipolar world; and they help to establish the Messianic vision of Russia as the beacon of order, tradition, and morality in a sea of chaos and corruption.
A key question for the contemporary world: What is Putin’s ideology? This book analyses this ideology, which it terms “Putinism”. It examines a range of factors that feed into the ideology – conservative thought in Russia from the nineteenth century onwards, Russian and Soviet history and their memorialisation, Russian Orthodox religion and its political connections, a focus on traditional values, and Russia’s sense of itself as a unique civilisation, different from the West and due a special, respected place in the world. The book highlights that although the resulting ideology lacks coherence and universalism comparable to that of Soviet-era Marxism-Leninism, it is nevertheless effective in aligning the population to the regime and is flexible and applicable in different circumstances. And that therefore it is not attached to Putin as a person, is likely to outlive him, and is potentially appealing elsewhere in the world outside Russia, especially to countries that feel belittled by the West and let down by the West’s failure to resolve problems of global injustice and inequality.
A general approach to the derivation of equations of motion of as holonomic, as nonholonomic systems with the constraints of any order is suggested. The system of equations of motion in the generalized coordinates is regarded as a one vector relation, represented in a space tangential to a manifold of all possible positions of system at given instant. The tangential space is partitioned by the equations of constraints into two orthogonal subspaces. In one of them for the constraints up to the second order, the motion low is given by the equations of constraints and in the other one for ideal constraints, it is described by the vector equation without reactions of connections. In the whole space the motion low involves Lagrangian multipliers. It is shown that for the holonomic and nonholonomic constraints up to the second order, these multipliers can be found as the function of time, positions of system, and its velocities. The application of Lagrangian multipliers for holonomic systems permits us to construct a new method for determining the eigenfrequencies and eigenforms of oscillations of elastic systems and also to suggest a special form of equations for describing the system of motion of rigid bodies. The nonholonomic constraints, the order of which is greater than two, are regarded as programming constraints such that their validity is provided due to the existence of generalized control forces, which are determined as the functions of time. The closed system of differential equations, which makes it possible to find as these control forces, as the generalized Lagrange coordinates, is compound. The theory suggested is illustrated by the examples of a spacecraft motion. The book is primarily addressed to specialists in analytic mechanics.
Available for the first time in English, this two-volume course on theoretical and applied mechanics has been honed over decades by leading scientists and teachers, and is a primary teaching resource for engineering and maths students at St. Petersburg University. The course addresses classical branches of theoretical mechanics (Vol. 1), along with a wide range of advanced topics, special problems and applications (Vol. 2). This first volume of the textbook contains the parts “Kinematics” and “Dynamics”. The part “Kinematics” presents in detail the theory of curvilinear coordinates which is actively used in the part “Dynamics”, in particular, in the theory of constrained motion and variational principles in mechanics. For describing the motion of a system of particles, the notion of a Hertz representative point is used, and the notion of a tangent space is applied to investigate the motion of arbitrary mechanical systems. In the final chapters Hamilton-Jacobi theory is applied for the integration of equations of motion, and the elements of special relativity theory are presented. This textbook is aimed at students in mathematics and mechanics and at post-graduates and researchers in analytical mechanics.
This volume examines the elements of formalism and decisionism in Russian legal thinking and, also, the impact of conservatism on the interplay of these elements. This combination leads to internal contradictions in theorizing about law and rights in Russian legal culture.
A key question for the contemporary world: What is Putin’s ideology? This book analyses this ideology, which it terms “Putinism”. It examines a range of factors that feed into the ideology – conservative thought in Russia from the nineteenth century onwards, Russian and Soviet history and their memorialisation, Russian Orthodox religion and its political connections, a focus on traditional values, and Russia’s sense of itself as a unique civilisation, different from the West and due a special, respected place in the world. The book highlights that although the resulting ideology lacks coherence and universalism comparable to that of Soviet-era Marxism-Leninism, it is nevertheless effective in aligning the population to the regime and is flexible and applicable in different circumstances. And that therefore it is not attached to Putin as a person, is likely to outlive him, and is potentially appealing elsewhere in the world outside Russia, especially to countries that feel belittled by the West and let down by the West’s failure to resolve problems of global injustice and inequality.
Mikhail Khodorkovsky is one of the most astute observers of today’s Russia. Imprisoned for a decade in Russia’s prisons on politically motivated charges, he knows all too well the best and the worst of his country. He now lives in exile and, like many Russians who live abroad, he longs for the day when he can return to a free and democratic Russia. This book is Khodorkovsky’s account of what is happening in Russia today and what could happen in the future. Putin will not last forever: sooner or later, there will be a post-Putin era. But Russia’s history has been deeply shaped by an autocratic trap: a revolution against an autocracy has produced another autocracy, followed by another revolution and another autocracy, and so on. If Russia is to find its place as a constructive partner in a global community of civilized nations, then it has to escape this vicious cycle. How to Slay a Dragon is Khodorkovsky’s account of his own journey and of how the vicious cycle of Russian history can be broken. He charts a pathway towards a parliamentary federal republic which would enable Russia to become a free and democratic society, living in peace and without dragons.
This book challenges the common perception of authoritarian regimes as incompatible with federalism and decentralization. It examines how the leaders of Russia, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan have managed to exploit federalism and decentralization as useful instruments to help them preserve control, avoid political instability, and to shift blame to the regional authorities in times of crises and policy failures. The authors explain how post-Soviet authoritarian regimes balance the advantages and risks and emphasize the contradictory role of external influences and threats to the institutional design of federalism and decentralization. Advancing our understanding of how the institutions of federalism and decentralization are skillfully constrained, but at the same time used by authoritarian incumbents, they show that federalism and decentralization matter in non-democracies, though the nondemocratic character of the political systems greatly modifies their effects. The authors show the implication of the COVID-19 crisis and current Russian war against Ukraine for the center-regional relations in Russia, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of post-Soviet politics, decentralization, federalism, and modern authoritarianism.
The first publication of its kind in the field, this book describes comprehensively and systematically radio-frequency (rf) capacitive gas discharges of intermediate and low pressure and their application to gas laser excitation and to plasma processing. Text presents the physics underlying rf discharges along with techniques for obtaining such discharges, experimental methods and results, and theoretical and numerical modeling findings. Radio-Frequency Capacitive Discharges is written by well-known specialists in the field, authors of many theoretical and experimental works. They provide simple and clear discussions of complicated physical phenomena. A complete review on the state of the art is included. This interesting new book can be used as a textbook for students and postgraduates and as a comprehensive guidebook by specialists.
Mikhail Gorbachev and Zdenek Mlynar were friends for half a century, since they first crossed paths as students in 1950. Although one was a Russian and the other a Czech, they were both ardent supporters of communism and socialism. One took part in laying the groundwork for and carrying out the Prague spring; the other opened a new political era in Soviet world politics. In 1993 they decided that their conversations might be of interest to others and so they began to tape-record them. This book is the product of that “thinking out loud” process. It is an absorbing record of two friends trying to explain to one another their views on the problems and events that determined their destinies. From reminiscences of their starry-eyed university days to reflections on the use of force to “save socialism” to contemplation of the end of the cold war, here is a far more candid picture of Gorbachev than we have ever seen before.
Mikhail Sadovsky is a writer well-known in Russia for his short stories and poetry, for his plays,musicals and operas that have been performed on the Russian stage, radio and television (this hasfrequently meant periods of close artistic co-operation with prominent contemporary composers),and especially for the many books he has now written for two generations of Russian children.Because of the restrictions on freedom of expression during the Soviet period, many of his criticallyacclaimed works were not able to be published before the 1990s, including four major poetrycollections: Zavtrashnee solntse (Tomorrow's sun, 1992), Bobie Leie (1993), Doverie (Trust, 1998)and Unisony (Unisons, 2001). His stories and essays have appeared in many prominent literaryjournals and newspapers, including the celebrated Russian-language paper Novoe Russkoe Slovo inNew York. His first novel, Pod chasami (Under the clock) was published in January 2003. Mr.Sadovksy emigrated to America in 2000 and now lives with his wife in New Jersey. This collectionrepresents the first appearance of his work in English translation
The USSR’s dissolution resulted in the creation of not only fifteen recognized states but also of four non-recognized statelets: Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, and Transnistria. Their polities comprise networks with state-like elements. Since the early 1990s, the four pseudo-states have been continously dependent on their sponsor countries (Russia, Armenia), and contesting the territorial integrity of their parental nation-states Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Moldova. In 2014, the outburst of Russia-backed separatism in Eastern Ukraine led to the creation of two more para-states, the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) and the Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR), whose leaders used the experience of older de facto states. In 2020, this growing network of de facto states counted an overall population of more than 4 million people. The essays collected in this volume address such questions as: How do post-Soviet de facto states survive and continue to grow? Is there anything specific about the political ecology of Eastern Europe that provides secessionism with the possibility to launch state-making processes in spite of international sanctions and counteractions of their parental states? How do secessionist movements become embedded in wider networks of separatism in Eastern and Western Europe? What is the impact of secessionism and war on the parental states? The contributors are Jan Claas Behrends, Petra Colmorgen, Bruno Coppieters, Nataliia Kasianenko, Alice Lackner, Mikhail Minakov, and Gwendolyn Sasse.
This book addresses the relationship between the center and its provinces—an important issue in any society—using Russia as a case study. It analyses the historical stages of Russia's past, with special focus on the post-Communist era.
An essential resource for paleontologists, biologists, geologists, and teachers, The Rise of Animals is the best single reference on one of earth's most significant events.
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