This book provides innovative insights into how creativity can be taught within higher education. Preparing students for employment in a dynamic set of global creative industries requires those students to not only be resilient and entrepreneurial, but also to be locally focused while being globally aware. Therefore it is imperative that they acquire a thorough understanding of creative processes and practice as they try to keep pace with worldwide digital trends. As the creation of media messages is a fundamental aspect of global creative industries, and that numerous concerns practitioners face are based upon a certain understanding of creativity, the authors propose an exploration of what creativity is in terms of research, and then apply it pedagogically. Drawing on extensive empirical research, the authors pose the thought-provoking question of whether creativity can be taught. This volume will be of interest to both students and scholars of creativity and higher education as well as to creatively-based practitioners more widely.
This books provides a critical perspective on entrepreneurialism in the creative industries. Split into three sections, the book first asks the contextual question; why, at this point in time, did we arrive at such a focus on entrepreneurship in the creative industries? Examining the historical, social, cultural, economic and political background, the book places the creative industries and entrepreneurship firmly within a systemic approach to creativity and cultural production. Given this emphasis on entrepreneurship in the creative system, the second part of the book asks, what do those who want to work in the creative industries need to do to pragmatically gain an income? The practices, skills, business models and plans necessary to master in order to successfully run a business are explored in this section. The final section contains detailed case studies that reveal the lives of those who found a way to successfully gain an income in the creative industries. It highlights the practical knowledge they gathered, how they negotiated their field of endeavour, and the decisions they made in the real world. Fundamentally the book answers three questions: How and why did we get here? Given that we are here at this point in time, how do we go about being entrepreneurial? And who has managed to do this in the creative industries and how did they do it? Covering both theoretical debates in detail, and practical case studies in key sub-sectors of creative industries, this truly integrative and far-reaching volume will be of interest to students, researchers and practitioners alike.
While the Civil Rights Movement is remembered for efforts to end segregation and secure the rights of African Americans, the larger economic vision that animated much of the movement is often overlooked today. That vision sought economic justice for every person in the United States, regardless of race. It favored production for social use instead of profit; social ownership; and democratic control over major economic decisions. The document that best captured this vision was the Freedom Budget for All Americans: Budgeting Our Resources, 1966-1975, To Achieve Freedom from Want published by the A. Philip Randolph Institute and endorsed by a virtual ‘who’s who’ of U.S. left liberalism and radicalism. Now, two of today’s leading socialist thinkers return to the Freedom Budget and its program for economic justice. Paul Le Blanc and Michael D. Yates explain the origins of the Freedom Budget, how it sought to achieve “freedom from want” for all people, and how it might be reimagined for our current moment. Combining historical perspective with clear-sighted economic proposals, the authors make a concrete case for reviving the spirit of the Civil Rights Movement and building the society of economic security and democratic control envisioned by the movement’s leaders—a struggle that continues to this day.
Unparalleled coverage of U.S. political development through a unique chronological framework Encyclopedia of U.S. Political History explores the events, policies, activities, institutions, groups, people, and movements that have created and shaped political life in the United States. With contributions from scholars in the fields of history and political science, this seven-volume set provides students, researchers, and scholars the opportunity to examine the political evolution of the United States from the 1500s to the present day. With greater coverage than any other resource, the Encyclopedia of U.S. Political History identifies and illuminates patterns and interrelations that will expand the reader’s understanding of American political institutions, culture, behavior, and change. Focusing on both government and history, the Encyclopedia brings exceptional breadth and depth to the topic with more than 100 essays for each of the critical time periods covered. With each volume covering one of seven time periods that correspond to key eras in American history, the essays and articles in this authoritative encyclopedia focus on the following themes of political history: The three branches of government Elections and political parties Legal and constitutional histories Political movements and philosophies, and key political figures Economics Military politics International relations, treaties, and alliances Regional histories Key Features Organized chronologically by political eras Reader’s guide for easy-topic searching across volumes Maps, photographs, and tables enhance the text Signed entries by a stellar group of contributors VOLUME 1 ?Colonial Beginnings through Revolution ?1500–1783 ?Volume Editor: Andrew Robertson, Herbert H. Lehman College ?The colonial period witnessed the transformation of thirteen distinct colonies into an independent federated republic. This volume discusses the diversity of the colonial political experience—a diversity that modern scholars have found defies easy synthesis—as well as the long-term conflicts, policies, and events that led to revolution, and the ideas underlying independence. VOLUME 2 ?The Early Republic ?1784–1840 ?Volume Editor: Michael A. Morrison, Purdue University No period in the history of the United States was more critical to the foundation and shaping of American politics than the early American republic. This volume discusses the era of Confederation, the shaping of the U.S. Constitution, and the development of the party system. VOLUME 3 ?Expansion, Division, and Reconstruction ?1841–1877 ?Volume Editor: William Shade, Lehigh University (emeritus) ?This volume examines three decades in the middle of the nineteenth century, which witnessed: the emergence of the debate over slavery in the territories, which eventually led to the Civil War; the military conflict itself from 1861 until 1865; and the process of Reconstruction, which ended with the readmission of all of the former Confederate States to the Union and the "withdrawal" of the last occupying federal troops from those states in 1877. VOLUME 4 ?From the Gilded Age through the Age of Reform ?1878–1920 ?Volume Editor: Robert Johnston, University of Illinois at Chicago With the withdrawal of federal soldiers from Southern states the previous year, 1878 marked a new focus in American politics, and it became recognizably modern within the next 40 years. This volume focuses on race and politics; economics, labor, and capitalism; agrarian politics and populism; national politics; progressivism; foreign affairs; World War I; and the end of the progressive era. VOLUME 5 ?Prosperity, Depression, and War ?1921–1945 ?Volume Editor: Robert Zieger, University of Florida Between 1921 and 1945, the U.S. political system exhibited significant patterns of both continuity and change in a turbulent time marked by racist conflicts, the Great Depression, and World War II. The main topics covered in this volume are declining party identification; the "Roosevelt Coalition"; evolving party organization; congressional inertia in the 1920s; the New Deal; Congress during World War II; the growth of the federal government; Franklin D. Roosevelt’s presidency; the Supreme Court’s conservative traditions; and a new judicial outlook. VOLUME 6 ?Postwar Consensus to Social Unrest ?1946–1975 ?Volume Editor: Thomas Langston, Tulane University This volume examines the postwar era with the consolidation of the New Deal, the onset of the Cold War, and the Korean War. It then moves into the 1950s and early 1960s, and discusses the Vietnam war; the era of John F. Kennedy; the Cuban Missile Crisis; the Civil Rights Act; Martin Luther King and the Voting Rights Act; antiwar movements; The War Powers Act; environmental policy; the Equal Rights Amendment; Roe v. Wade; Watergate; and the end of the Vietnam War. VOLUME 7 ?The Clash of Conservatism and Liberalism ?1976 to present ?Volume Editor: Richard Valelly, Swarthmore College ?The troubled Carter Administration, 1977–1980, proved to be the political gateway for the resurgence of a more ideologically conservative Republican party led by a popular president, Ronald Reagan. The last volume of the Encyclopedia covers politics and national institutions in a polarized era of nationally competitive party politics and programmatic debates about taxes, social policy, and the size of national government. It also considers the mixed blessing of the change in superpower international competition associated with the end of the Cold War. Stateless terrorism (symbolized by the 9/11 attacks), the continuing American tradition of civil liberties, and the broad change in social diversity wrought by immigration and the impact in this period of the rights revolutions are also covered.
The New York City Transit Strike of 1966 occurred during the formative period of labor relations between government and municipal employees, and served as an impetus to convince legislators in many jurisdictions that legislation was needed to regulate public sector bargaining. Marmo analyzes the role of the media in public sector bargaining, and demonstrates how heavy reliance and manipulation of the media by interested parties affected the outcome of political decision making during one of the most significant strikes ever to take place in the history of public sector negotiations in the United States. The book also tells the dramatic story of a confrontation between urbane, Yale-educated John Lindsay and the crusty, acid-tongued union antagonist Michael Quill.
From the pine-tree lined rural highways of North Florida through the tourist traps of Central Florida to the tropical, international environs of SOBE, come stories of sun-faded noir, orange pulp served up freshly squeezed by the Sunshine State’s very best practitioners.
The New York Times bestseller: “Hilarious. No mushy tribute to the joys of fatherhood, Lewis’ book addresses the good, the bad, and the merely baffling about having kids.”—Boston Globe When Michael Lewis became a father, he decided to keep a written record of what actually happened immediately after the birth of each of his three children. This book is that record. But it is also something else: maybe the funniest, most unsparing account of ordinary daily household life ever recorded, from the point of view of the man inside. The remarkable thing about this story isn’t that Lewis is so unusual. It’s that he is so typical. The only wonder is that his wife has allowed him to publish it.
An Irish Passion for Justice reveals the life and work of Paul O'Dwyer, the Irish-born and quintessentially New York activist, politician, and lawyer who fought in the courts and at the barricades for the rights of the downtrodden and the marginalized throughout the 20th century. Robert Polner and Michael Tubridy recount O'Dwyer's legal crusades, political campaigns, and civic interactions, deftly describing how he cut a principled and progressive path through New York City's political machinery and America's reactionary Cold War landscape. Polner and Tubridy's dynamic, penetrating depiction showcases O'Dwyer's consistent left-wing politics and defense of accused Communists in the labor movement, which exposed him to sharp criticism within and beyond the Irish-American community. Even so, his fierce beliefs, loyalty to his brother William, who was the city's mayor after World War II, and influence in Irish-American circles also inspired respect and support. Recognized by his gentle brogue and white pompadour, he fought for the creation of Israel, organized Black voters during the Civil Rights movement, and denounced the Vietnam War as an insurgent Democratic candidate for US Senate. Finally, he enlisted future president Bill Clinton to bring an end to the Troubles in Northern Ireland. As the authors demonstrate, O'Dwyer was both a man of his time and a politician beyond his years. An Irish Passion for Justice tells an enthralling and inspiring New York immigrant story that uncovers how one person, shaped by history and community, can make a difference in the world by holding true to their ideals.
Baton Rouge has always been a baseball town. The game was played by occupying Union troops during the Civil War, continued during the Reconstruction Period, and marched forward with the Louisiana State University Tigers in the 1890s. LSU would become one of the winningest teams in the history of the College World Series. Baton Rouge has hosted Southern University's Jaguars and a variety of minor leagues, including the famous Evangeline League, as well as the powerhouse Esso team. An epidemic, floods, the Great Depression, and decades of racial tension have all impacted baseball in this city, but the game has endured.
The 34th U.S. president to hold office, Dwight D. Eisenhower won America over with his irresistible I like Ike slogan. Bringing to the presidency his prestige as a commanding general during World War II, he worked incessantly during his two terms to ease the tensions of the cold war. Pursuing the moderate policies of Modern Republicanism, he left a legacy of a stronger and more powerful nation. From his crucial role in support of Brown v. Board of Education to the National Defense Education Act, The Eisenhower Years provides a well-balanced study of these politically charged years. Biographical entries on key figures of the Eisenhower era, such as Allen W. Dulles, Joseph R. McCarthy, and Rosa Parks, combine with speeches such as the Military Industrial Complex speech, the Open Skies proposal, the disturbance at Little Rock address, Eisenhower Doctrine, and his speech after the Soviet launch of Sputnik to give an in-depth look at the executive actions of this administration.
A New York Times Book Review Editors' Choice One of Kirkus Reviews' ten best US history books of 2022 A leading historian tells the story of the United States’ most enduring political party and its long, imperfect and newly invigorated quest for “moral capitalism,” from Andrew Jackson to Joseph Biden. One of Kirkus Reviews' 40 most anticipated books of 2022 One of Vulture's "49 books we can't wait to read in 2022" The Democratic Party is the world’s oldest mass political organization. Since its inception in the early nineteenth century, it has played a central role in defining American society, whether it was exercising power or contesting it. But what has the party stood for through the centuries, and how has it managed to succeed in elections and govern? In What It Took to Win, the eminent historian Michael Kazin identifies and assesses the party’s long-running commitment to creating “moral capitalism”—a system that mixed entrepreneurial freedom with the welfare of workers and consumers. And yet the same party that championed the rights of the white working man also vigorously protected or advanced the causes of slavery, segregation, and Indian removal. As the party evolved towards a more inclusive egalitarian vision, it won durable victories for Americans of all backgrounds. But it also struggled to hold together a majority coalition and advance a persuasive agenda for the use of government. Kazin traces the party’s fortunes through vivid character sketches of its key thinkers and doers, from Martin Van Buren and William Jennings Bryan to the financier August Belmont and reformers such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Sidney Hillman, and Jesse Jackson. He also explores the records of presidents from Andrew Jackson and Woodrow Wilson to Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Throughout, Kazin reveals the rich interplay of personality, belief, strategy, and policy that define the life of the party—and outlines the core components of a political endeavor that may allow President Biden and his co-partisans to renew the American experiment.
Why has old-age security become less solidaristic and increasingly tied to risky capitalist markets? Drawing on rich archival data that covers more than fifty years of American history, Michael A. McCarthy argues that the critical driver was policymakers' reactions to capitalist crises and their political imperative to promote capitalist growth.Pension development has followed three paths of marketization in America since the New Deal, each distinct but converging: occupational pension plans were adopted as an alternative to real increases in Social Security benefits after World War II, private pension assets were then financialized and invested into the stock market, and, since the 1970s, traditional pension plans have come to be replaced with riskier 401(k) retirement plans. Comparing each episode of change, Dismantling Solidarity mounts a forceful challenge to common understandings of America’s private pension system and offers an alternative political economy of the welfare state. McCarthy weaves together a theoretical framework that helps to explain pension marketization with structural mechanisms that push policymakers to intervene to promote capitalist growth and avoid capitalist crises and contingent historical factors that both drive them to intervene in the particular ways they do and shape how their interventions bear on welfare change. By emphasizing the capitalist context in which policymaking occurs, McCarthy turns our attention to the structural factors that drive policy change. Dismantling Solidarity is both theoretically and historically detailed and superbly argued, urging the reader to reconsider how capitalism itself constrains policymaking. It will be of interest to sociologists, political scientists, historians, and those curious about the relationship between capitalism and democracy.
This volume explores the challenges and possibilities facing contemporary theological inquiry. Produced in honor of Wallace M. Alston, the book is framed around the areas of discussion that Alston, as director of the Center of Theological Inquiry in Princeton, New Jersey, has diligently placed at the forefront of Christian reflection. Written by some of today's leading Christian pastors and theologians, these insightful chapters probe topics of interest to both the church and the academy. In the first section Denise M. Ackermann, Gerhard Sauter, William Schweiker, Max L. Stackhouse, Michael Welker, and Carver T. Yu examine cultural, social, political, and ethical challenges to Christian theology. In the second section Don Browning, Brian E. Daley, Botond Gal, Niels Henrik Gregersen, John Polkinghorne, and Dirk Smit discuss theology's ongoing dialogue with the sciences and the humanities. In the third section Milner S. Ball, L. Ann Jervis, John S. McClure, Allen C. McSween Jr., Patrick D. Miller, Jrgen Moltmann, Fleming Rutledge, and Virgil Thompson illuminate the role of theology in preaching and teaching. In the fourth and final section of the book David Fergusson, Thomas W. Gillespie, Colin Gunton, Cynthia A. Jarvis, Robert W. Jenson, J. Harold McKeithen Jr., A. J. McKelway, Daniel L. Migliore look at several cutting-edge themes drawn from Reformed and ecumenical theology. Loving God with Our Minds unites voices from the various enterprises of the Center of Theological Inquiry, from different churches, from different theological and academic disciplines, and from different countries across the globe. The book is thus a bouquet of diverse perspectives mirroring what is so central and admirable in Wallace Alston and reflecting what he so desires to see among fellow Christians and pastor-theologians -- loving God not only with our hearts but also with our minds. Contributors: Denise M. Ackermann Milner S. Ball Don Browning Brian E. Daley David Fergusson Botond Gal Thomas W. Gillespie Niels Henrik Gregersen Colin Gunton Cynthia A. Jarvis Robert W. Jenson L. Ann Jervis John S. McClure J. Harold McKeithen Jr. A. J. McKelway Allen C. McSween Jr. Daniel L. Migliore Patrick D. Miller Jrgen Moltmann John Polkinghorne Fleming Rutledge Gerhard Sauter William Schweiker Dirk Smit Max L. Stackhouse Virgil Thompson Michael Welker Carver T. Yu
A definitive account of the turbulent 1960s, "America Divided" presents the most sophisticated understanding to date of all sides of the decade's many political, social, and cultural conflicts. 45 photos.
While the Civil Rights Movement is remembered for efforts to end segregation and secure the rights of African Americans, the larger economic vision that animated much of the movement is often overlooked today. That vision sought economic justice for every person in the United States, regardless of race. It favored production for social use instead of profit; social ownership; and democratic control over major economic decisions. The document that best captured this vision was the Freedom Budget for All Americans: Budgeting Our Resources, 1966-1975, To Achieve Freedom from Want published by the A. Philip Randolph Institute and endorsed by a virtual ‘who’s who’ of U.S. left liberalism and radicalism. Now, two of today’s leading socialist thinkers return to the Freedom Budget and its program for economic justice. Paul Le Blanc and Michael D. Yates explain the origins of the Freedom Budget, how it sought to achieve “freedom from want” for all people, and how it might be reimagined for our current moment. Combining historical perspective with clear-sighted economic proposals, the authors make a concrete case for reviving the spirit of the Civil Rights Movement and building the society of economic security and democratic control envisioned by the movement’s leaders—a struggle that continues to this day.
Over the last half of the twentieth century, culture moved to the foreground of political and intellectual life. Suddenly everyone discovered that culture had been mass produced like Ford's cars; the masses had culture and culture had a mass. Culture was everywhere, no longer the property of the cultured or the cultivated. Radical social movements around the globe invented a politics of culture. Culture In the Age of Three Worlds is a reflection on this cultural turn which was a fundamental aspect of the age of three worlds, that short half century between 1945 and 1989 when it was imagined that the world was divided into three-the capitalist first world, the communist second world, and the decolonizing third world. Recasting the legacies of British cultural studies and the radical traditions of the American studies movement in a global context, Michael Denning explores the political and intellectual battles over the meanings of culture, addresses the rise of a distinctive 'American ideology,' and charts the lineaments of the global cultures that emerged as three worlds gave way to one.
A chilling documentary of greed, corruption, and political assassination in America. Criminal analysis of six aircraft accidents that have killed high profile politicians. Are these really accidents, or something far more sinister? Previously unreported, the book makes the case that someone is using Electro-Magnetic Warfare to disrupt aircraft communications and control systems in an effort to bring down the aircraft of our political leaders. Fully documented. Not science fiction.
This singular collection of articles, essays, poems, criticism and personal recollections by a Vietnam veteran documents the author's reflections on the war, from his combat experiences to his exploration of American veteran identity to his struggles with PTSD. His career as an advocate for the welfare of GIs and veterans exposed to dangerous radiation and herbicides is covered. Several pieces deal with how the Vietnam experience is being archived by scholars for historical interpretation. These collected works serve as a study of how wars are remembered and written about by surviving veterans.
Now available in paperback!!This incredible collection of historical photographs captures the reverence of all the attractions and towns of the Mother Road, Route 66. Noted author Michael Witzel spent years traveling Route 66 collecting mementos of life and folklore that make up the most famous road in America. His unmatched photography takes readers back to the attractions and towns as they were and offers a captivating view of them today. Here it is, the American highway past and present in Motorbooks' beautiful 10 x 10 format, the classic photographic essay of an American legend.
This publication from Cambria Press is released in conjunction with the 2015 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association (#APSA2015) The book's main focus is on presidential leadership and draws inspiration from the scholarship of eminent political scientist Thomas E. Cronin. From evaluating the leadership successes and failures of President George W. Bush and President Barack Obama (e.g., on education policy, social security reform, health care, the surveillance of Americans) to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan and their handling of coalitions, this book also discusses presidents as war-time leaders, presidential leadership and authority, public leadership, US world leadership, and the role of chief justices. In addition, the book touches on leadership in higher education and in the global corporate context. Given its coverage, this book will be an important resource for many years to come. The Quest for Leadership, edited by distinguished political scientist Michael A. Genovese, brings together the thought-provoking analyses and critical discussions of top scholars and practitioners. This book is a must read not only for political scientists but also for anyone with an interest in leadership, especially in US politics.
“This is a dangerous book.”—Robin D. G. Kelley, author of Freedom Dreams Fifty years ago, a single bullet robbed us of one of the world’s most eloquent voices for human rights and justice. To the Promised Land goes beyond the iconic view of Martin Luther King, Jr., as an advocate of racial harmony, to explore his profound commitment to the poor and working class and his call for “nonviolent resistance” to all forms of oppression, including the economic injustice that “takes necessities from the masses to give luxuries to the classes.” “Either we go up together or we go down together,” King cautioned, a message just as urgent in America today as then. To the Promised Land challenges us to think about what it would mean to truly fulfill King’s legacy and move toward his vision of “the Promised Land” in our own time.
Reliability is one of the most important attributes for the products and processes of any company or organization. This important work provides a powerful framework of domain-independent reliability improvement and risk reducing methods which can greatly lower risk in any area of human activity. It reviews existing methods for risk reduction that can be classified as domain-independent and introduces the following new domain-independent reliability improvement and risk reduction methods: Separation Stochastic separation Introducing deliberate weaknesses Segmentation Self-reinforcement Inversion Reducing the rate of accumulation of damage Permutation Substitution Limiting the space and time exposure Comparative reliability models The domain-independent methods for reliability improvement and risk reduction do not depend on the availability of past failure data, domain-specific expertise or knowledge of the failure mechanisms underlying the failure modes. Through numerous examples and case studies, this invaluable guide shows that many of the new domain-independent methods improve reliability at no extra cost or at a low cost. Using the proven methods in this book, any company and organisation can greatly enhance the reliability of its products and operations.
The majority of modern instruments are computerised and provide incredible amounts of data. Methods that take advantage of the flood of data are now available; importantly they do not emulate 'graph paper analyses' on the computer. Modern computational methods are able to give us insights into data, but analysis or data fitting in chemistry requires the quantitative understanding of chemical processes. The results of this analysis allows the modelling and prediction of processes under new conditions, therefore saving on extensive experimentation. Practical Data Analysis in Chemistry exemplifies every aspect of theory applicable to data analysis using a short program in a Matlab or Excel spreadsheet, enabling the reader to study the programs, play with them and observe what happens. Suitable data are generated for each example in short routines, this ensuring a clear understanding of the data structure. Chapter 2 includes a brief introduction to matrix algebra and its implementation in Matlab and Excel while Chapter 3 covers the theory required for the modelling of chemical processes. This is followed by an introduction to linear and non-linear least-squares fitting, each demonstrated with typical applications. Finally Chapter 5 comprises a collection of several methods for model-free data analyses. * Includes a solid introduction to the simulation of equilibrium processes and the simulation of complex kinetic processes.* Provides examples of routines that are easily adapted to the processes investigated by the reader* 'Model-based' analysis (linear and non-linear regression) and 'model-free' analysis are covered
Labor Guide to Labor Law is a comprehensive survey of labor law in the private sector, written from the labor perspective for labor relations students and for unions and their members. This thoroughly revised and updated fifth edition covers new statutes, current issues, and the latest developments in labor and employment law.The text emphasizes issues of greatest importance to unions and employees. Where the law permits a union to make certain tactical choices, those choices are pointed out. Material is included on internal union matters that tend to be ignored in management texts. Bruce S. Feldacker and Michael J. Hayes cover applicable labor law principles from a union's initial organizing campaign to the mature bargaining relationship, including such subjects as the employee right to engage in protected concerted activity, the duty to bargain, labor arbitration, the use of strikes, picketing and other economic weapons in resolving a labor dispute, the duty of fair representation, internal union regulation, and employment discrimination.This book is also a useful reference and review for full-time union officers and representatives who have a working knowledge of labor law but wish to brush up on certain points as needed in their work. Both authors have extensive experience in the construction field, and they have been careful to include material on those aspects of labor law that are unique to that field.Labor Guide to Labor Law is structured to present an unbiased and comprehensive explanation of labor law principles for anyone interested in the field. Thus, labor relations educators, as well as practitioners in the field representing labor, management, or individual employees, should also find the text suitable for their use. Each chapter includes a summary, review questions and answers, a restatement of "Basic Legal principles" with citations to key cases, and a bibliography for additional research.
Unionism in the United States was quite successful during and after World War II, especially during the golden years of American capitalism (1947-73) as workers' wages increased quite dramatically in a number of industries. For example, average hourly earnings for workers in meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in steel 102%, in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At the same time as union members' wages were increasing, union membership was declining. Yet, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that organizing new members was not a priority. By concentrating on the existing membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing new members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social contract by employers and the government beginning in the United States in the late 1970s. However, while many people are claiming that organized labor is a dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong union movement is needed now more than ever. Unionism in the United States was quite successful during and after World War II, especially during the golden years of American capitalism (1947-73) as workers' wages increased quite dramatically in a number of industries. For example, average hourly earnings for workers in meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in steel 102%, in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At the same time as union members' wages were increasing, union membership was declining. Yet, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that organizing new members was not a priority. By concentrating on the existing membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing new members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social contract by employers and the government beginning in the United States in the late 1970s. Following that attack, there was a significant decline in U.S. workers' wages and conditions in real terms, and there was a corresponding decline in union membership. However, while many people are claiming that organized labor is a dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong union movement is now needed more than ever. If unions make major changes as outlined in this book, the U.S. labor movement may regain some of its strength. By fighting for workplace (such as higher wages) and non-workplace issues (such as the fight for adequate childcare or against racism), unions in America and Canada that embraced what Schiavone calls social justice unionism have improved society for all. On purely bread-and-butter issues, these unions have achieved better collective bargaining agreements than their rival mainstream unions, as well as organizing more new workers per capita. How much strength organized labor will regain by embracing social justice unionism is uncertain, but it is a beginning.
Angels and demons pray on humanity's obsessions for love, affection and longing for death! Holding the obsessions of love and death, is a dark, yet sorrowful look inside the minds; primitive and clouded paths, where instincts and innocence come together to highlight the duality of a deeply scared soul. This gorgeous poetry collection will encourage your mind to wonder a place that only the mad and gifted know, with its use strong imagery, and innovative word play, it will truly captivate those who are in love with love, or those who wish to take a gentle look at the dark obsessive minds seen in the media.
Jackie Robinson believed in a God who sides with the oppressed and who calls us to see one another as sisters and brothers. This faith was a powerful but quiet engine that drove and sustained him as he shattered racial barriers on and beyond the baseball diamond. Jackie Robinson: A Spiritual Biography explores the faith that, Robinson said, carried him through the torment and abuse he suffered for integrating the major leagues and drove him to get involved in the civil rights movement. Marked by sacrifice and service, inclusiveness and hope, Robinson's faith shaped not only his character but also baseball and America itself.
Through moments of social protest, policy debate, and popular mobilization, this book follows the campaign for economic democracy and the fight for full employment in the United States. Starting in the 1930s, Dennis explores its intellectual and philosophical underpinnings, the class struggle that determined the fate of legislation and the role of left-wing civil rights activists in its revival. Demonstrating how the campaign for full employment intersected with movements for women's liberation and civil rights, it explores how social groups and oppressed minorities interpreted and appropriated the promise of full employment. For many, full employment provided an indispensable path to racial and gender emancipation. In this book, Dennis uncovers the class dimensions and the resistance to full employment in the US. He demonstrates how the recurring debates over full employment consistently exposed the contradictions inherent in a capitalist society and challenged the assertion that an allegedly free enterprise system automatically generated employment for all.
The reason that the right dominates debates on crime, family values, and economic freedom while the left defends diversionary policies such as affirmative actions and equivocates on ecology and the political empowerment of the young, argues Cummings (political science, U. of Colorado) is that too many progressives have avoided politically sensitive issues, thus condemning themselves to intellectual atrophy and political ineffectiveness. c. Book News Inc.
Building a New Majority weaves together the autobiographical recollections of the political and professional life of the author, Michael P. Balzano, with his seasoned analysis of several successful Republican presidential campaigns. The combination provides the foundation for recommendations for current and future Republican candidates to follow in capturing a majority of the nations working-class voters. The narrative follows the author, the son of working-class Italian immigrants, from his boyhood in New Haven, Connecticut, through his time as a high-school dropout and garbage collector to his return to school, where he earned a doctoral degree at Georgetown University. His story attracted the attention of staff members in the administration of President Richard M. Nixon. Brought on board to provide insights and to coordinate efforts to reach ethnic and working-class voters as part of Nixons strategy to create a New Majority, he contributed to the winning 1972 campaign. He later performed similar roles in President Ronald Reagans 1980 and 1984 campaigns and in President George H. W. Bushs 1988 campaign. From these experiences, he offers guidance to Republican candidates seeking to win elections by appealing to members of labor unions and the working class. For any political party to win the White House, it must capture a majority of working-class voters. Building a New Majority is a blueprint for constructing a new Republican majority that can win elections. Building upon those victories, they can govern in ways that invite all people to share in a common future in which individuals may improve their social status and their economic wellbeing, living out the American Dream.
In this new edition of Why Unions Matter, Michael D. Yates shows why unions still matter. Unions mean better pay, benefits, and working conditions for their members; they force employers to treat employees with dignity and respect; and at their best, they provide a way for workers to make society both more democratic and egalitarian. Yates uses simple language, clear data, and engaging examples to show why workers need unions, how unions are formed, how they operate, how collective bargaining works, the role of unions in politics, and what unions have done to bring workers together across the divides of race, gender, religion, and sexual orientation. The new edition not onlyupdates the first, but also examines the record of the New Voice slate that took control of the AFL-CIO in 1995, the continuing decline in union membership and density, the Change to Win split in 2005, the growing importance of immigrant workers, the rise of worker centers, the impacts of and labor responses to globalization, and the need for labor to have an independent political voice. This is simply the best introduction to unions on the market.
On July 12, 1964, in a momentous decision, the National Labor Relations Board decertified the racially segregated Independent Metal Workers Union as the collective bargaining agent at Houston’s mammoth Hughes Tool Company. The unanimous decision ending nearly fifty years of Jim Crow unionism at the company marked the first time in the Labor Board’s history that it ruled that racial discrimination by a union violated the National Labor Relations Act and was therefore illegal. The ruling was for black workers the equivalent of the Brown v. Board of Education decision by the Supreme Court in the area of education. Michael R. Botson carefully traces the Jim Crow unionism of the company and the efforts of black union activists to bring civil rights issues into the workplace. His analysis places Hughes Tool in the context created by the National Labor Relations Act and the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). It clearly demonstrates that without federal intervention, workers at Hughes Tool would never have been able to overcome management’s opposition to unionization and to racial equality. Drawing on interviews with many of the principals, as well as extensive mining of company and legal archives, Botson’s study “captures a moment in time when a segment of Houston’s working-class seized the initiative and won economic and racial justice in their work place.”
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