On Tuesday May 22, 2012 at the Union League Club in New York City, the Center for Security Policy bestowed the 2012 Freedom Flame Award to the Honorable Michael B. Mukasey, former Attorney General of the United States. Mr. Mukasey's myriad accomplishments in American jurisprudence and law enforcement epitomize the commitment to freedom and the practice of "peace through strength" that the Freedom Flame was created to recognize. Mr. Mukasey served from 2007 to 2009 as the eighty-first U.S. Attorney General following his appointment to that position by President George W.Bush. From 1988 to 2006, he was a federal judge in the Southern District of NewYork, becoming that court's Chief Judge in 2000. Michael Mukasey rendered a singular public service as the presiding judge in the successful prosecution of Omar Abdel Rahman (the "Blind Sheik") and nine other co-conspirators convicted of the first attack on the World Trade Center in 1993. The prosecutor in that same case, Andrew C. McCarthy, had the honor of introducing Judge Mukasey. Subsequent to the trial and to his time as an Assistant United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, Mr. McCarthy has become one of America's insightful writers on national security and Constitutional issues; his new book, Spring Fever: The Illusion of Islamic Democracy, addresses many of the points he made in paying tribute to Mr. Mukasey. Mr. Mukasey's Freedom Flame acceptance speech that night was an eloquent assessment of the threat from the doctrine of jihadist Islam from the 1993 World Trade Center attacks to the present day, providing a systematic analysis of the enemy's ideology. Frank J. Gaffney, Jr., the Center for Security Policy's President noted that "Judge Mukasey's acceptance remarks provided a characteristically thoughtful, articulate and compelling indictment of shariah law and the Muslim Brotherhood-and those in the U.S. government who are wittingly or unwittingly enabling their insinuation into this country." We at the Center believe future readers will find much wisdom in Mr. Mukasey's words that night in New York City; his remarks-and those of Mr. McCarthy, introducing him-form this monograph.
IN this illuminating Broadside, former Attorney General Michael B. Mukasey shows how Barrack Obama has taken the war on terror from the adult realities of George W. Bush, where hard choices were faced and made, and the nation kept safe, to an adol...
Over the last thirty years, the Federal Society for Law and Public Policy Studies has grown from a small group of disaffected conservative law students into an organization with extraordinary influence over American law and politics. Although the organization is unknown to the average citizen, this group of intellectuals has managed to monopolize the selection of federal judges, take over the Department of Justice, and control legal policy in the White House. Today the Society claims that 45,000 conservative lawyers and law students are involved in its activities. Four Supreme Court Justices--Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, John Roberts, and Samuel Alito--are current or former members. Every single federal judge appointed in the two Bush presidencies was either a Society member or approved by members. During the Bush years, young Federalist Society lawyers dominated the legal staffs of the Justice Department and other important government agencies. The Society has lawyer chapters in every major city in the United States and student chapters in every accredited law school. Its membership includes economic conservatives, social conservatives, Christian conservatives, and libertarians, who differ with each other on significant issues, but who cooperate in advancing a broad conservative agenda. How did this happen? How did this group of conservatives succeed in moving their theories into the mainstream of legal thought? What is the range of positions of those associated with the Federalist Society in areas of legal and political controversy? The authors survey these stances in separate chapters on regulation of business and private property; race and gender discrimination and affirmative action; personal sexual autonomy, including abortion and gay rights; and American exceptionalism and international law.
U.S. Government Counterterrorism: A Guide to Who Does What is the first readily available, unclassified guide to the many U.S. government agencies, bureau offices, and programs involved in all aspects of countering terrorism domestically and overseas. The authors, veterans of the U.S. government’s counterterrorism efforts, present a rare insider’s view of the counterterrorism effort, addressing such topics as government training initiatives, weapons of mass destruction, interagency coordination, research and development, and the congressional role in policy and budget issues. Includes a Foreword by Brian Michael Jenkins, Senior Advisor RAND Corporation Individual chapters describe the various agencies, their bureaus, and offices that develop and implement the counterterrorism policies and programs, providing a useful unclassified guide to government officials at all levels as well as students and others interested in how the U.S. counters terrorism. The book also discusses the challenges involved in coordinating the counterterrorism efforts at federal, state, and local levels and explains how key terror events influenced the development of programs, agencies, and counterterrorism legislation. The legislative underpinnings and tools of the U.S. counterterrorism efforts are covered as are the oft-debated issues of defining terrorism itself and efforts to counter violent extremism. In addition to outlining the specific agencies and programs, the authors provide unique insights into the broader context of counterterrorism efforts and developments in the last 10-plus years since 9/11 and they raise future considerations given recent landscape-altering global events. The authors were interviewed by National Defense Magazine in a January 23, 2012 article entitled Counterterrorism 101: Navigating the Bureaucratic Maze. They were interviewed on April 30, 2012 by Federal News Radio. Michael Kraft was also interviewed on June 27, 2014 by Federal News Radio.
In When Giants Fall, Panzner makes his case for the turbulent economic changes that will be occurring over the next few years and examines the resulting economic opportunities. According to Panzner, the economic changes will be widespread. Businesses will struggle amid wars, shortages, logistical disruptions, and a breakdown of the established monetary order. Individuals will be forced to rethink livelihoods, lifestyles, living arrangements, and locales. Political structures will be in flux, as local leaders gain influence at the expense of national authorities. For many people, it will be nothing short of a modern Dark Ages, where each day brings fresh anxieties, unfamiliar risks, and a sense of foreboding. However, for those enlightened few who understand what is really going on and what happens next, the chaotic years ahead represent the opportunity of a lifetime - a time when they can realize goals they never thought possible and achieve a level of wealth, security, and inner peace that will leave them head-and-shoulders above everyone else. In this book, Panzner offers cutting-edge insights and strategies that will enable readers to stay well ahead of the game during the uniquely unsettling period ahead.
By analyzing the leadership skills of seven recent American presidents, this book seeks to de-mystify the elements and dynamics of effective presidential leadership which our democracy has come to depend upon and value. Building on the pioneering work of political scientist Fred Greenstein and others, this book argues that leadership in the White House can be explained and assessed by using a consistent set of criteria to analyze presidential performance. Siegel shows that presidential leadership is exercised by real, flawed human beings, and not by superheroes or philosopher-kings beyond the reach of scrutiny or critique. New to the Second Edition Includes a new chapter covering both terms of the Obama administration. Applies the author’s four-part leadership framework to the early part,of the Trump administration. Discusses the possibilities of presidential leadership in an era of intense partisanship.
We are in difficult times for the protection of our liberties. Nonetheless, citizens are showing an increased willingness to resist the erosion of the U.S. Constitution. . . . Lawson Mack and Kelly stress the importance of not giving up these fundamental rights and conclude with a message of optimism, noting an increased backlash against the administration's more draconian measures. Although the landscape is still quite bleak, change is in the air." -Michael Ratner, President, Center for Constitutional Rights, from the foreword "A compelling and sophisticated critique of the U.S. government's post-9/11 actions. Mack and Kelly set the stage with the historical perspective on America's response to terrorism and the assessment of terrorist threats, before launching into a comprehensive analysis of the USA Patriot Act. Their hard-hitting approach and easy-to-read style makes for a fascinating treatment of the government's legislative and executive response to the attacks." -Michael P. Scharf, Case Western Reserve University School of Law With its sweeping critique of the USA Patriot Act and the Bush administration's maneuvers in pursuit of terrorists, Equal Justice in the Balance is a sobering and exacting look at American legal responses to terrorism, both before and after 9/11. The authors detail wide-ranging and persuasive evidence that American antiterrorism legislation has led to serious infringements of our civil rights. They show us how deviations from our fundamental principles of fairness and justice in times of heightened national anxiety-whether the Red Scare, World War II, or the War on Terrorism-have resulted in overreaction and excess, later requiring apologies and reparations to those victimized by a paranoia-driven justice system. While terrorist attacks-especially on a large scale and on American soil-damage our national pride and sense of security, the authors offer powerful arguments for why we must allow our judicial infrastructure, imperfect as it is, to respond without undue interference from the politics of anger and vengeance.
Eminent jurists, professional legal organizations, and human rights monitors in this country and around the world have declared that President George W. Bush may be prosecuted as a war criminal when he leaves office for his overt and systematic violations of such international law as the Geneva and Hague Conventions and such US law as the War Crimes Act, the Anti-Torture Act, and federal assault laws. George W. Bush, War Criminal? identifies and documents 269 specific war crimes under US and international law for which President Bush, senior officials and staff in his administration, and military officers under his command are liable to be prosecuted. Haas divides the 269 war crimes of the Bush administration into four classes: 6 war crimes committed in launching a war of aggression; 36 war crimes committed in the conduct of war; 175 war crimes committed in the treatment of prisoners; and 52 war crimes committed in postwar occupations. For each of the 269 war crimes of the Bush administration, Professor Haas gives chapter and verse in precise but non-technical language, including the specific acts deemed to be war crimes, the names of the officials deemed to be war criminals, and the exact language of the international or domestic laws violated by those officials. The author proceeds to consider the various US, international, and foreign tribunals in which the war crimes of Bush administration defendants may be tried under applicable bodies of law. He evaluates the real-world practicability of bringing cases against Bush and Bush officials in each of the possible venues. Finally, he weighs the legal, political, and humanitarian pros and cons of actually bringing Bush and Bush officials to trial for war crimes.
In the Age of Terrorism, the United States has become a much more dangerous place--for activists and dissenters, whose First Amendment rights are all too frequently abridged by the government. In Hell No, the Center for Constitutional Rights, the country's leading public interest law organization, offers a timely report on government attacks on dissent and protest in the United States, along with a readable and essential guide for activists, teachers, grandmothers, and anyone else who wants to oppose government policies and actions. Hell No explores the current situation of attacks upon and criminalization of dissent and protest, from the surveillance of activists to the disruption of demonstrations, from the labeling of protestors as "terrorists," to the jailing of those the government claims are giving "material support" to its perceived enemies. Offering detailed, hands-on advice on everything from "Sneak and Peak" searches to "Can the Government Monitor My Text Messages?" and what to do "If an Agent Knocks," Hell No lays out several key responses that every person should know in order to protect themselves from government surveillance and interference with their rights. Beginning with a preface by Vincent Warren, executive director of the Center for Constitutional Rights and a frequent legal commentator on CNN, MSNBC, and NPR, Hell No also includes an introduction on the state of dissent today by CCR board chair Michael Ratner and Margaret Ratner Kunstler. Concluding with the controversial 2008 Mukasey FBI Guidelines, which currently regulate the government's domestic response to dissent, Hell No is an indispensable tool in the effort to give free speech and protest meaning in a post-9/11 world.
The unique features of the American system of justice - which allowed it to handle claims that originated over fifty years ago and in another part of the world - made it the only forum in the world where Holocaust claims could be heard. Without the lawsuits brought by American lawyers. Bazyler asserts, the claims of the elderly survivors and their heirs would continue to be ignored."--BOOK JACKET.
Politicians and regulators do not run businesses. Bribery and Corruption is for managers who do. It will help you transform uncertainties and problems created via legislation and regulations (such as The UK Bribery Act, The Proceeds of Crime Act, The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, Sarbanes-Oxley) into opportunities to: ¢ Maintain entrepreneurial, profitable, and enjoyable working environments while easily surpassing compliance standards ¢ Control incoming, internal, outgoing, competitive corruption and fraud ¢ Take decisions in grey areas, confidently Bribery and Corruption frames control and compliance in an entirely different way: not as a brake on your company’s forward motion but as essential protective equipment enabling you to go faster and further in safety. Written by the world’s leading practitioners in the fields of fraud prevention, detection and investigation with massive practical experience in both commercial and governmental sectors, Bribery and Corruption exposes the misconceptions, myths and corruption of the word bribery and suggests effective solutions that go well beyond simple compliance. It commits to assertive managerial rather than timorous legal solutions to anti-bribery and other laws. It explains how processes can be tested - using automated fraud detection software - to expose current cases of fraud and corruption or to provide assurance that controls are functioning optimally. It tackles the usually ignored problems of stratospheric, political, academic and media corruption, which often motivate commercial bribery. It exposes the dangers of employee to employee corruption; skulduggery by blue collar workers and lots more. Over the last 25 years, Mike Comer, occasionally writing with Tim Stephens, has been responsible for some of the most readable and influential books on fraud. Bribery and Corruption is another tour de force, complete, authoritative and yet a great pleasure to read.
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