Urban Renewal and Resistance: Race, Space, and the City in the Late Twentieth to Early Twenty-First Century examines how urban spaces are rhetorically constructed through discourses that variously justify or resist processes of urban growth and renewal. This book combines insights from critical geography, urban studies, and communication to explore how urban spaces, like Detroit and Harlem, are rhetorically structured through neoliberal discourses that mask the racialized nature of housing and health in American cities. The analysis focuses on city planning documents, web sites, media accounts, and draws on insights from personal interviews in order to pull together a story of city growth and its consequences, while keeping an eye on the ways city residents continue to confront and resist control over their communities through counter-narratives that challenge geographies of injustice. Recommended for scholars of communication studies, journalism, sociology, geography, and political science.
Born into slavery in Holly Springs, Mississippi in 1862, Ida B. Wells emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as a singularly dynamic national voice on behalf of racial, social, and gender equity. A journalist, teacher, and activist, she campaigned endlessly against racial violence and inequity and on behalf of women's rights and suffrage. In "Radical Advocate," Mary E. Triece pinpoints the persuasive strategies that typified Wells's efforts to shape broader cultural conversations concerning those causes. Triece highlights especially Wells's role as a radical embodied advocate, who Triece defines as one who occupies a marginalized social position; whose daily experiences, physical well-being, and mobility are shaped by social justice issues; and who must utilize non-traditional rhetorical strategies to push for deeply rooted social change. "Embodiment" suggests bodily visibility, and seeing the physical body as marked in ways that carry political and physical implications based on race, sex, gender, and class. In the context of the early 1900s, racial segregation and hysteria over race-mixing impacted bodies in every aspect of one's public and personal life, from where one lived and worked to whom and how one loved. To demonstrate the ways radical embodied advocacy occurs across various platforms, Triece examines Wells's speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper and magazine articles. For Wells, white violence was palpable and personal, experienced on her body and carried in her mind and heart. White men lynched Wells's friends, threatened her life, and forced her into exile after they destroyed the press for which she wrote and edited. From this perspective, Wells understood lynching as linked to white economic and political control. Furthermore, Triece presents Wells's radical embodied advocacy as one of the first forms of "intersectional journalism," a type of citizen journalism wherein the advocate raises up and centers the voices of those experiencing interlocking forms of oppression. Triece underscores the epistemic challenges faced by rhetors, such as Black women, who speak from marginalized social positions and who advance claims that do not align with culturally accepted frames for knowing and describing events, people, and places. She also bridges philosophy, rhetoric, and Black feminism to examine the epistemological and rhetorical demands facing social change advocates who shed light on injustice, and who simultaneously face deeply entrenched narratives that distort understandings of race and social injustice. Wells argued for deep-rooted change, and her rhetoric stands out because she framed white violence as systemic and intersectional. In the twenty-first century, "Radical Advocate" is even more relevant in the context of contemporary white violence and international movements for racial justice. A rhetorical analysis of Wells's speaking and journalism shows her to be one of the first to emphasize the systemic nature of racism while highlighting the unique ways Black women experienced racist and sexist oppression"--
In the early twentieth century, white-controlled magazines and Black magazines told very different stories about the dynamics of race, sex, and power in the United States. Memory Work: White Ignorance and Black Resistance in Popular Magazines, 1900–1910 examines how popular magazines employed rhetorical strategies to remember, forget, and frame America’s racist past. White-controlled magazines such as the Independent, Outlook, Arena, and McClure’s carried stories of southern nostalgia, union reconciliation, and white purity. Relying on willful ignorance to misremember past experiences of suffering, these texts severed violent histories from present-day policies and often simply remained silent. Meanwhile, in Black magazines such as the Colored American Magazine and the Voice of the Negro, women writers leveraged countermemory. Bringing Black women’s accomplishments into focus, these writers inverted popular white narratives that erased and obscured Black women’s experiences, including those of sexual violence. Mary E. Triece traces how white and Black magazines—often in dialogue with one another—differently engaged memory work to either reinforce or upend white supremacy during a period of both Black advancement and white backlash. Further, the book suggests lines of connection between the construction of public memory in the past to those taking place today across an array of media platforms. Popular debates—whether appearing in early 1900s magazines or on twenty-first-century social media sites—shape a culture’s collective knowledge of what counts as true, important, and worthy of attention.
Bonnie Ritter Book Award, National Communication Association's Feminist and Women Studies Division, 2008. On the Picket Line uncovers the voices of working-class women, particularly those active in the Communist Party, U.S.A., in order to examine how these individuals confronted the tensions between their roles as workers, wives, mothers, and consumers. Combining critical analysis, Marxist and feminist theory, and labor history, Mary E. Triece analyzes the protest tactics employed by working class women to challenge dominant ideologies surrounding domesticity. She details the rhetorical strategies used by women to argue for their rights as workers in the paid labor force and as caregivers in the home. Their overtly coercive tactics included numerous sit-ins, strikes, and boycotts that won tangible gains for working poor and unemployed women. The book also gives voice to influential figures in the 1930s labor movement (many of whom were members of the Communist Party, U.S.A.), such as Ella Reeve Bloor, Margaret Cowl, Anna Damon, Ann Burlak, and Grace Hutchins. Triece ultimately argues that these confrontational protest tactics of the 1930s remain relevant in today’s fights for more humane workplaces and better living conditions.
Protest and Popular Culture is at once a historical monograph and a critique of postmodernist approaches to the study of mass media, consumerism, and popular political movements. In it, Triece compares the self-representations of several late nineteenth and twentieth-century women's protest movements with representations of women offered by contemporaneous mass media outlets. She shows that from the late nineteenth century until the present day, U.S. women's protest movements sought to convince women that they are first and foremost laborer/producers, while the U.S. media has just as consistently sought to convince women that they are primarily consumers. Triece contends that these approaches to portraying women have been and continue to be constructed in opposition to one another. The leaders of women's protest movements, she argues, have long sought to convince women not to spend time and money on reshaping their selves through consumer purchases, but instead to focus attention on empowering themselves politically by asserting control over their own labor power. The mass media, meanwhile, has always treated such movements as potential threats to the financial well-being of the consumer sector (that is, of advertisers), and so has consistently trivialized them, while seeking simultaneously to convince women that they should devote attention and resources to buying things, not to struggling to overcome class and gender discrimination. Many cultural-studies scholars have argued that in recent years, rising prosperity has made consumerism into the primary site of both individual expression and ?resistance? to the dominant socio-economic order, with self-definition through personal purchases supplanting the role formerly played by struggle for an end to inequities of all kinds. These scholars contend that as such, mass media no longer function to naturalize, and thus reinforce such inequities, and consumerism no longer serves to perpetuate them. Triece argues that her examples show that this argument is faulty, and that scholars should continue to take a traditional materialist view in all studies of mass media, consumerism, and popular protest.
Bonnie Ritter Book Award, National Communication Association's Feminist and Women Studies Division, 2008. On the Picket Line uncovers the voices of working-class women, particularly those active in the Communist Party, U.S.A., in order to examine how these individuals confronted the tensions between their roles as workers, wives, mothers, and consumers. Combining critical analysis, Marxist and feminist theory, and labor history, Mary E. Triece analyzes the protest tactics employed by working class women to challenge dominant ideologies surrounding domesticity. She details the rhetorical strategies used by women to argue for their rights as workers in the paid labor force and as caregivers in the home. Their overtly coercive tactics included numerous sit-ins, strikes, and boycotts that won tangible gains for working poor and unemployed women. The book also gives voice to influential figures in the 1930s labor movement (many of whom were members of the Communist Party, U.S.A.), such as Ella Reeve Bloor, Margaret Cowl, Anna Damon, Ann Burlak, and Grace Hutchins. Triece ultimately argues that these confrontational protest tactics of the 1930s remain relevant in today’s fights for more humane workplaces and better living conditions.
In the early twentieth century, white-controlled magazines and Black magazines told very different stories about the dynamics of race, sex, and power in the United States. Memory Work: White Ignorance and Black Resistance in Popular Magazines, 1900–1910 examines how popular magazines employed rhetorical strategies to remember, forget, and frame America’s racist past. White-controlled magazines such as the Independent, Outlook, Arena, and McClure’s carried stories of southern nostalgia, union reconciliation, and white purity. Relying on willful ignorance to misremember past experiences of suffering, these texts severed violent histories from present-day policies and often simply remained silent. Meanwhile, in Black magazines such as the Colored American Magazine and the Voice of the Negro, women writers leveraged countermemory. Bringing Black women’s accomplishments into focus, these writers inverted popular white narratives that erased and obscured Black women’s experiences, including those of sexual violence. Mary E. Triece traces how white and Black magazines—often in dialogue with one another—differently engaged memory work to either reinforce or upend white supremacy during a period of both Black advancement and white backlash. Further, the book suggests lines of connection between the construction of public memory in the past to those taking place today across an array of media platforms. Popular debates—whether appearing in early 1900s magazines or on twenty-first-century social media sites—shape a culture’s collective knowledge of what counts as true, important, and worthy of attention.
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