These three volumes of Kentucky election statistics at last make this basic tool of political research easily accessible to scholars, journalists, teachers, political candidates and others interested in primary and general election returns. In Kentucky, as in many other states, these figures have been available only in the Secretary of State's office, and there has been no compilation of percentages and pluralities necessary for comparative purposes. The source of all the statistics in these volumes is the official records in the office of the Secretary of State in Frankfort, Kentucky. All returns are listed by county. Volume 1 includes presidential elections from 1952 through 1960 and primaries and elections for the U.S. Senate from 1920 through 1960. Volume 2 includes gubernatorial primaries and elections from 1923 through 1959. Volume 3 includes primaries and elections for the U.S. House of Representatives from 1920 through 1960.
This is a study of Kentucky political parties: how they are organized and how they nominate and elect candidates. Because state politics in Kentucky is dominated by the Democratic Party, a major portion of the study is devoted to the Democratic primary candidates, campaign techniques, funding, of elections, and voting patterns. As in other slates, campaign techniques in Kentucky are changing. During the 1950s and 1960s the Democratic Party had two dominant factions, and candidates for statewide office sought factional allies among local party organizations. Now factional alignments have disappeared, and candidates for statewide office build campaign organizations from thousands of active party workers. The characteristics, motivations, and allegiances of these party activists form one major focus of this book. Another focus is television, which has assumed ever greater importance in statewide primary campaigns. Because it is expensive, candidates who are wealthy or can raise large sums for television advertising enter the primaries with a substantial advantage, and those who use that medium most effectively are most likely to win. Two wealthy candidates who proved to be talented campaigners in person and on television were nominated by the Democrats in 1987: Wallace Wilkinson in the gubernatorial race and Brereton Jones in the race for lieutenant governor. The book features case studies of these two campaigns, which in many ways typify modern primary elections in Kentucky. Finally, since the 1950s, the Republican Party has been highly successful in campaigns for national office in Kentucky but has been unable to elect a governor since 1967. This study provides some answers to two questions: What is wrong with the Republican Party in Kentucky? And why are so many Kentuckians voting Republican in national races and Democratic in state races?
Twenty years ago the Kentucky General Assembly was one of the least powerful and least effective legislatures in the country, almost entirely dominated by the governor. Over the past two decades the legislature has changed—gradually and with little public attention—into a far more powerful, professional, and independent body. This book is a study of that process of change: its causes, the obstacles encountered, and the political and policy consequences. It is a study of changing relationships between governor and legislature, caused in part by less aggressive gubernatorial leadership and in part by the growing assertion of legislative independence. It is also a study of the men and women who initiated change and who play major roles in the legislature today. One important area of change has been in the kinds of persons elected to the legislature. Today's Kentucky legislators are more professional in their approach to legislative service, serve longer tenures, and are likely to be committed to long-term political careers. They work harder to become known in their districts, and they devote more time to constituency service. In preparing this study, Malcolm E. Jewell and Penny M. Miller interviewed and sent questionnaires to many past and present members of the Kentucky legislature, as well as examining election returns, roll call votes, and committee records. They also traced developments since the 1960s to provide historical perspective. The Kentucky General Assembly is not a "typical" legislature. It is less professional and meets less frequently than those in most states. But trends in the Kentucky legislature are typical of those in other states, and this book puts the changes in Kentucky into national perspective.
Every two years American voters turn out to elect several thousand representatives to state legislatures. Only now in Representation in State Legislatures do we have a detailed examination of how these officials perceive their jobs and how they attempt to do them. To provide answers to these questions, Malcolm E. Jewell conducted intensive interviews with 220 members of houses of representatives in nine selected states. He asked each legislator how he kept in touch with his constituents, how he resolved matters of policy, how he sought government resources for his district, and what services he provided for individual constituents. State legislatures differ greatly, and they are not institutionalized to the same degree as the national congress. It is difficult, therefore, to generalize on such effects as partisanship. Likewise it appears that past explanatory models do not adequately describe the complex relationships seen by most legislators in their work. The state legislature is changing. It is becoming more institutionalized. It is becoming more stable as fewer members retire and more are reelected. The trend is toward longer sessions, increased staff, and more activity. With this trend the legislator is becoming more visible; he can deal with lawmaking while having greater opportunities to provide services and to gain publicity for them. As the move, begun by the Reagan administration, to put more responsibility for programs on the states continues, the state legislatures will assume a place of greater importance in the governing of the United States. This pioneering study of representation will thereby gain significance both for the understanding it imparts and for the new questions it raises.
The issue of apportionment is one of the most important problems facing citizens of most of the states in America. It underlies many other problems of state government. Growing judicial concern with apportionment is evidence of a failure of the political process in many states. A political solution to the problem requires better understanding and more accurate information about apportionment, which may be found in The Politics of Reapportionment.Understanding the politics of apportionment may be broken down into four parts: What are the political factors that have caused the various states to follow differing courses in apportionment? What are the political consequences of these differences in apportionment? When a legislature is grappling with any reapportionment problem, what roles are played by the various political groups involved? What are the consequences of transferring this controversy out of the legislative arena?Jewell notes that a study of legislative apportionment is essential to an understanding of any representative system of government. In the U.S. the patterns of apportionment have vitally affected the nature of our state and national political institutions, and our political history has been marked by a number of colorful struggles over this issue. For these reasons, American political scientists have devoted more attention to apportionment than to many other problems of government.
Bipartisanship has become so associated with the conduct of foreign policy that partisanship has virtually been forgotten. In this persuasive study of senatorial politics, Malcolm E. Jewell reasserts the importance of partisanship, arguing that increased party responsibility is the best guarantee for the establishment of sound policy and for the continued support of policy once established. The author bases his conclusions on a study of the Senate during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations.
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