As Egypt retreats from its newly elected government and Syria moves from one crisis to another, this book’s reflection on the Arab Spring could not be more timely. Monshipouri’s account of the role of emotion, solidarity, and online activism is informed by several trips to the region that continue to this day. The uprisings were fueled by a demographic surge of young people unable to find employment and frustrated by the lack of freedom, and now the elected regime has been ousted for failing to address these continuing circumstances. While modern technologies and social media may have brought new politics to the streets, organization on the ground trumps the enthusiasm of young protesters when it comes to shaping a country’s political future. How to turn elections into democracy in these post-conflict societies continues to be a daunting task, especially in countries with a longstanding history of military involvement in politics now experiencing a resurgence. This book addresses all of these subjects in an engaging and accessible narrative. Key features of the text:
Aimed at undergraduate-level courses, this brand-new textbook provides an overview of Middle Eastern politics, offering in-depth examination of the forces of stability, change, uncertainty, and progress in the region. Building on both historical and contemporary analysis, the chapters are timely, engaging, and provocative, covering topics such as: Turmoil and transition in Middle Eastern politics The Arab-Israeli conflict The Persian Gulf and global security The rise of the internet Terrorism and the Islamic State US-Iran relations The role of new regional players, such as China, India, and Russia Increasing investment in wind and solar energy in the post-carbon era. Providing a unique perspective on the major themes and current state of knowledge about the region, this new textbook will be invaluable to students of Middle Eastern politics.
As Egypt retreats from its newly elected government and Syria moves from one crisis to another, this book’s reflection on the Arab Spring could not be more timely. Monshipouri’s account of the role of emotion, solidarity, and online activism is informed by several trips to the region that continue to this day. The uprisings were fueled by a demographic surge of young people unable to find employment and frustrated by the lack of freedom, and now the elected regime has been ousted for failing to address these continuing circumstances. While modern technologies and social media may have brought new politics to the streets, organization on the ground trumps the enthusiasm of young protesters when it comes to shaping a country’s political future. How to turn elections into democracy in these post-conflict societies continues to be a daunting task, especially in countries with a longstanding history of military involvement in politics now experiencing a resurgence. This book addresses all of these subjects in an engaging and accessible narrative. Key features of the text:
Both human rights and globalization are powerful ideas and processes, capable of transforming the world in profound ways. Notwithstanding their universal claims, however, the processes are constructed, and they draw their power from the specific cultural and political contexts in which they are constructed. Far from bringing about a harmonious cosmopolitan order, they have stimulated conflict and opposition. In the context of globalization, as the idea of human rights has become universal, its meaning has become one more terrain of struggle among groups with their own interests and goals. Part I of this volume looks at political and cultural struggles to control the human rights regime -- that is, the power to construct the universal claims that will prevail in a territory -- with respect to property, the state, the environment, and women. Part II examines the dynamics and counterdynamics of transnational networks in their interactions with local actors in Iran, China, and Hong Kong. Part III looks at the prospects for fruitful human rights dialogiue between competing universalisms that by definition are intolerant of conradiction and averse to compromise.
Since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the normalisation of relations between Iran and America has appeared unrealistic if not inconceivable, given that the Iranian state has vigorously pursued an anti-American ideology. This account of US-Iranian relations examines the efficacy of external pressure such as sanctions, as well as domestic grassroots reform movements within the Islamic Republic. The Obama presidency marked a rare high point in the Washington-Tehran relationship, as negotiations between the two countries and other powers produced an unprecedented nuclear deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. However, the Trump administration’s unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA, and re-imposition of new sanctions in pursuit of ‘maximum pressure’, had devastating economic consequences, undermining the Iranian middle class, which has consistently been the voice of political moderation and supported Iran’s integration into the global economy. Crucially, sanctions have also driven Iran further into the arms of China, while rendering it an even more recalcitrant and aggressive adversary. Monshipouri’s central conviction is that negotiations are pivotal to dismantling the mistrust that has long characterised US-Iranian relations, and to seeking détente between Iran and its Arab neighbours–a critical priority, since gradual US withdrawal from the region is all but certain.
Although it is too early to see which approach the Obama administration will take toward the resolution of the United States’ longstanding disputes with Iran, it is evident that the policy of avoiding direct diplomacy with Iran adopted by the Bush administration has fallen by the wayside. It is still difficult to determine if the Iranian leadership will give the Obama administration a very sympathetic hearing. The resurgent Iranian power in the region in the aftermath of the Bush administration’s gross miscalculations and uncertain ventures in Iraq and Afghanistan has sparked a vigorous debate in the Middle East. For the Bush administration, the choices were clear: either contain and deter Iran or confront it militarily. The latter had potentially serious repercussions for the entire region, even as the efforts aimed at engaging Iran on the Afghanistan war continued. Many experts noted that the Bush administration had shied away from serious talks with Iran at a time when they might have borne fruit. The complexities of regional politics and military interventions, however, have convinced US policymakers that the alternative to negotiation with Iran would be costly for the United States and destabilizing for its allies in the region. This paper’s main thrust is to make a case for direct diplomacy with Iran, while explaining factors that have contributed to the end of “coercive diplomacy” advocated by the Bush administration. The premise underlining this paper is that there has never been a stronger case for the normalization of relations between Iran and the United States in a region fraught with difficulties and crises. Iran’s stabilizing influencing in the region inevitably has enhanced its role in shaping the region’s geopolitics. Iran’s influence in Afghanistan can no longer be marginalized, nor can its role be underestimated in the southern parts of Iraq and Lebanon, as well as its ties with Hamas and Syria.
In Egypt Islamists clash with secularists over religious and national identity, while in Turkey secularist ruling elites have chosen to accommodate Islamists in the name of democracy and reconciliation. As Islam spreads throughout the world, Muslims living in their traditional homelands and in the Western world are grappling with shifting identities. In all cases, understanding the dynamics of identity-based politics is critical to the future of Muslims and their neighbors across the globe. In Muslims in Global Politics, Mahmood Monshipouri examines the role identity plays in political conflicts in six Muslim nations—Egypt, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Iran, and Indonesia—as well as in Muslim diaspora communities in Europe and North America. In each instance, he describes how conservatives, neofundamentalists, reformists, and secularists construct identity in different ways and how these identities play out in the political arena. With globalization, the demand for human rights continues to grow in the Muslim world, and struggles over modernity, authenticity, legitimacy, and rationality become increasingly important. Muslims in Global Politics deepens our understanding of how modern ideas and norms interact with the traditions of the Islamic world and, in turn, shows how human rights advocates can provide an alternative to militant Islamist movements.
Since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the normalisation of relations between Iran and America has appeared unrealistic if not inconceivable, given that the Iranian state has vigorously pursued an anti-American ideology. This account of US-Iranian relations examines the efficacy of external pressure such as sanctions, as well as domestic grassroots reform movements within the Islamic Republic. The Obama presidency marked a rare high point in the Washington-Tehran relationship, as negotiations between the two countries and other powers produced an unprecedented nuclear deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. However, the Trump administration’s unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA, and re-imposition of new sanctions in pursuit of ‘maximum pressure’, had devastating economic consequences, undermining the Iranian middle class, which has consistently been the voice of political moderation and supported Iran’s integration into the global economy. Crucially, sanctions have also driven Iran further into the arms of China, while rendering it an even more recalcitrant and aggressive adversary. Monshipouri’s central conviction is that negotiations are pivotal to dismantling the mistrust that has long characterised US-Iranian relations, and to seeking détente between Iran and its Arab neighbours–a critical priority, since gradual US withdrawal from the region is all but certain.
Although it is too early to see which approach the Obama administration will take toward the resolution of the United States’ longstanding disputes with Iran, it is evident that the policy of avoiding direct diplomacy with Iran adopted by the Bush administration has fallen by the wayside. It is still difficult to determine if the Iranian leadership will give the Obama administration a very sympathetic hearing. The resurgent Iranian power in the region in the aftermath of the Bush administration’s gross miscalculations and uncertain ventures in Iraq and Afghanistan has sparked a vigorous debate in the Middle East. For the Bush administration, the choices were clear: either contain and deter Iran or confront it militarily. The latter had potentially serious repercussions for the entire region, even as the efforts aimed at engaging Iran on the Afghanistan war continued. Many experts noted that the Bush administration had shied away from serious talks with Iran at a time when they might have borne fruit. The complexities of regional politics and military interventions, however, have convinced US policymakers that the alternative to negotiation with Iran would be costly for the United States and destabilizing for its allies in the region. This paper’s main thrust is to make a case for direct diplomacy with Iran, while explaining factors that have contributed to the end of “coercive diplomacy” advocated by the Bush administration. The premise underlining this paper is that there has never been a stronger case for the normalization of relations between Iran and the United States in a region fraught with difficulties and crises. Iran’s stabilizing influencing in the region inevitably has enhanced its role in shaping the region’s geopolitics. Iran’s influence in Afghanistan can no longer be marginalized, nor can its role be underestimated in the southern parts of Iraq and Lebanon, as well as its ties with Hamas and Syria.
In Egypt Islamists clash with secularists over religious and national identity, while in Turkey secularist ruling elites have chosen to accommodate Islamists in the name of democracy and reconciliation. As Islam spreads throughout the world, Muslims living in their traditional homelands and in the Western world are grappling with shifting identities. In all cases, understanding the dynamics of identity-based politics is critical to the future of Muslims and their neighbors across the globe. In Muslims in Global Politics, Mahmood Monshipouri examines the role identity plays in political conflicts in six Muslim nations—Egypt, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Iran, and Indonesia—as well as in Muslim diaspora communities in Europe and North America. In each instance, he describes how conservatives, neofundamentalists, reformists, and secularists construct identity in different ways and how these identities play out in the political arena. With globalization, the demand for human rights continues to grow in the Muslim world, and struggles over modernity, authenticity, legitimacy, and rationality become increasingly important. Muslims in Global Politics deepens our understanding of how modern ideas and norms interact with the traditions of the Islamic world and, in turn, shows how human rights advocates can provide an alternative to militant Islamist movements.
Both human rights and globalization are powerful ideas and processes, capable of transforming the world in profound ways. Notwithstanding their universal claims, however, the processes are constructed, and they draw their power from the specific cultural and political contexts in which they are constructed. Far from bringing about a harmonious cosmopolitan order, they have stimulated conflict and opposition. In the context of globalization, as the idea of human rights has become universal, its meaning has become one more terrain of struggle among groups with their own interests and goals. Part I of this volume looks at political and cultural struggles to control the human rights regime -- that is, the power to construct the universal claims that will prevail in a territory -- with respect to property, the state, the environment, and women. Part II examines the dynamics and counterdynamics of transnational networks in their interactions with local actors in Iran, China, and Hong Kong. Part III looks at the prospects for fruitful human rights dialogiue between competing universalisms that by definition are intolerant of conradiction and averse to compromise.
This will help us customize your experience to showcase the most relevant content to your age group
Please select from below
Login
Not registered?
Sign up
Already registered?
Success – Your message will goes here
We'd love to hear from you!
Thank you for visiting our website. Would you like to provide feedback on how we could improve your experience?
This site does not use any third party cookies with one exception — it uses cookies from Google to deliver its services and to analyze traffic.Learn More.