The Korean War (1950?53) began as a conflict between North Korea and South Korea and eventually involved the United States and nineteen other nations. An estimated three million people lost their lives during the war. For Americans who think that only GIs and their United Nations contingent comrades fought effectively, The Korean War will be a surprising introduction to the valor and sacrifice of the South Korean army. This comprehensive view of the war from the South Korean perspective has not been previously available in English translation.øThe Korean War comprises three volumes. Volume 3 follows the final course of the war from fighting to cease-fire negotiations and the opening of truce talks. The establishment of the demilitarized zone, the end product of the armistice agreement, and the start of the cease-fire structure are described in detail. The volume concludes with an examination of the Political Conference held in Geneva, which sought a peaceful unification of the Korean peninsula.
Education to Strengthen our Capabilities for Peaceful Unification The 20th century was on era of “extremes” that was marked by several ideological confrontations and wars. It was a long age of persecution and patience, especially on the part of the Koreans. Nevertheless, the ideology that drove the world into chaos and the leaders who led the hostile inter-Korean relations are now fading from the center stage of history. On December 17, 2011, Kim Jong Il died after ruling North Korea with blood-and-iron politics for 37 years. The global community is now expecting significant changes within the North Korean regime, the relations between the two Koreas, and the East Asian order. The year 2015 will mark the 70th anniversary of the Korean division, which occurred in three overlapping phases: territorial, regime, and emotional. The first phase, territorial division, was introduced on August 15, 1945 when Soviet and U.S. forces divided the peninsula along the 38th parallel. The second phase, regime(sovereignty) division, was established with the formation of two separate governments on the Korean Peninsula; the Republic of Korea(ROK) was founded on August 15, 1948 and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK) was established on September 9, 1948. The division was finalized as it reached the third phase, emotional division(of people), following the North Korean invasion of the South on June 25, 1950 and the subsequent three-year fratricidal war. Are we prepared to undertake unification and maintain peace on the Korean Peninsula? This issue is not only a national one that North and South Korea should resolve on their own, but it is also an international issue in which the interests of four relevant countries nations(the U.S., China, Japan, and Russia) are at stake. For this reason, peaceful unification requires the proper environment, capability and will from all parties. For the time being, we lack all three elements, as there are multiple levels of discord. In the global environment, competition is emerging between the hegemonic power in naval warfare(the U.S.) and the leading power in ground warfare(China). Within the Korean Peninsula, there is increased distrust due to North Korea’s provocative actions including two nuclear tests, the sinking of a South Korean naval ship, and the shelling of a South Korean island. There is discord even within South Korean society: ideological conflicts between the conservatives and liberals, regional confrontation between the southeastern and southwestern regions, generation gaps resulting from a rapid transition to an information-oriented society, and class conflicts that have emerged from neo-liberalism and the collapse of the middle class. Then What are the steps that we should take to make way for peaceful unification? We must first properly prioritize the issues at hand. The top priority should be given to national harmony, then international cooperation, and finally rapprochement on the Korean Peninsula. This is attributed to the fact that South Korean society characterized by internal organization and preparedness is the cornerstone of a peaceful unification; consequently, public education on unification is crucial. Despite the progress made thus far, unification education still has some shortcomings. Until this point in time, education on unification has strengthened a negative image of the North Korean situation, leading to arguments for the deferral of national unification and an increased number of people against it. Governmental programs that were intended to promote unification policies have also taken a passive, or even a critical approach on the issue due to its controversial nature. I would like to acknowledge that although multiple researchers compiled this book after much discussion and thorough review, it still has some shortcomings that will be address in the next edition. Finally, I’d like to express my deepest gratitude to the National Unification Advisory Council and the Unification Education Council for providing the videos and resources for our research...
The Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU) is working on a four-year project (2010-2013) on the subject of Korean unification. The objective of this project is to propose a grand plan for Korean unification. The Unification Forum series is one of the tasks of this project. Last year the purpose of the forums was to review the positions of neighboring countries on Korean unification. The result of the forums has been compiled into a book titled Korean Unification and the Neighboring Powers (Seoul: Neulpum, 2010). This year the forums have focused on US-China relations and their implications for Korean unification. These forums are also intended to serve as a channel to deliver our unification vision to the international community. This year’s fifth forum, held on November 16th, was oriented toward diplomats based in Seoul. KINU invited around thirty diplomats from major embassies, most of them deputy chiefs of mission, to share views and visions of Korean unification. The forum was organized by a planning committee composed of 20 experts on North Korea and international politics. This committee was involved in every aspect of the forum, from selecting speakers and topics for discussion to participating in the discussions and offering policy suggestions. This book is the result of this year’s forums. It is composed of two general papers as well as five forum papers. The first two papers serve as a sort of introduction. “Building a United Korea: Visions, Scenarios, and Challenges” suggests a four-stage unification process which may be the most desirable and feasible approach for South Korea. “Security Dynamism in Northeast Asia: Emerging Confrontation between USROK- Japan vs. China-Russia-DPRK” is an overview of the changing unification environment. Each forum produced one paper, except for the second forum which produced two papers Ⅰ. Korean Unification in an International Context Building a Unified Korea: Visions, Scenarios, and Challenges/ Choi Jinwook Security Dynamics in Northeast Asia: Emerging Confrontation between U.S.-ROK-Japan vs. China-Russia-DPRK?/ Sachio Nakato Ⅱ. The First KINU Unification Forum Beijing’s “Sunshine Policy with Chinese Characteristics”: Implications for Korean Unification/ John S. Park Ⅲ. The Second KINU Unification Forum Uniting Korea: Enduring Dream, Elusive Reality/ Lowell Dittmer Status Quo Reassessed: China’s Shifting Views on Korean Unification/ Fei-Ling Wang Ⅳ. The Third KINU Unification Forum American Grand Strategy toward East Asia and North Korea/ G. John Ikenberry – Discussant: Zhu Feng Ⅴ. The Fourth KINU Unification Forum Beijing, Washington, and the Korean Peninsula/ David M. Lampton
The Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU) is working on a four-year project (2010-2013) on the subject of Korean unification. The objective of this project is to propose a grand plan for Korean unification. The Unification Forum series is one of the tasks of this project. In the first two years, the forums reviewed the positions of the neighboring countries on Korean unification (2010) and analyzed USChina relations and their implications for Korean unification (2011). The forums are also intended to serve as a channel to deliver our unification vision to the international community Ⅰ. Korean Unification: The Final Goal of North Korea Policy Searching for a Consistent North Korea Policy Ⅱ. China and Korean Unification Free Trade Agreements and Economic Aspects of Unification China-North Korea Relations in a New Era: Assessing Continuities and Changes Ⅲ. Korean Unification from an International Perspective Korean Unification: Benefits, Uncertainties, and Costs Korea as One: Pathways to Korean Unification and Regional Transformations Reunification of the Korean Peninsula: Will China Help? Russia, Two Koreas, and Unification Prospects
As the debate about unification has recently been enlivened in Korean society, the flame of hope for unification is being re-kindled. However, there are still many who focus solely on the enormous costs involved, while others remain passive toward the unification issue. Particularly members of the younger generation feel satisfied with ‘co-existence under an unstable peace’ as a divided peninsula. However, as indicated in a special report by the Russian Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) which assessed that “North Korea is already in the process of collapse,” the unification issue is no longer something we can avoid. Therefore, armed with this consciousness of the problems of our era, this project assesses the significance of the recent rekindling of interest in unification and considers a new vision of unification and its potential value, dealing intensively with the positions and roles of the four neighboring powers regarding unification as well as ideas for strategic cooperation among South Korea and its powerful neighbors. The publication of this project owes much to the diligent efforts of KINU research associates such as Hyo Min Lee, Uichan Ko and Jisuk Park who reviewed and edited the various papers. Also, the English version of this publication benefited greatly from the accurate translations done by research associates Meredith Rose Shaw and Hyo Min Lee. It is the editor’s hope that this research project can help both Korean and foreign experts, academics, and readers to better understand the value of Korean unification and the various positions and roles that can be played by the US, Japan, China and Russia. Chapter 1 A Vision of Korean Unification and Its Value : Building Great Power Korea/ Jung-Ho Bae | Director, Center for International Relations Studies, KINU Chapter 2 German Reunification and the European Union/ Don-Jay Yeom | Dean, Graduate School of Strategic Studies, Sungkyunkwan University Chapter 3 The United States and Korean Unification/ Ralph Hassig and Kongdan Oh | The Institute for Defense Analyses(IDA) Chapter 4 Japan’s Role and Position on Korean Unification/ Takashi Inoguchi | President, University of Niigata Prefecture Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo Chapter 5 Managing the Path toward Eventual Korean Unification : The Chinese Way/ You Ji | Associate Professor, School of Social Science & International Studies, The University of New South Wales Chapter 6 Russia’s Role and Position on Korean Unification/ Alexander Panov | Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Chapter 7 Korea’s Diplomatic Strategy for Unifying the Korean Peninsula/ Young-Ho Park | Senior Research Fellow, KINU
This study aims to strengthen trust between Korea and Russia through promoting mutual understanding and improving the quality of policy network. The study is the outcome of the joint research of KINU and IMEMO. As the editor of this volume, I hope this study may help experts, students and readers in Korea and in the countries surrounding the Korean Peninsula to have a clearer understanding of Russia’s national strategy, Northeast strategy, Far East and Siberia strategy, and the importance of the “strategic cooperation partnership” between Korea and Russia. Part 1. Russia Foreign and Security Strategy and the North Korean Nuclear Issue Ⅰ. Russia´s Foreign and Security Strategy in the 21st Century/ Sergei Chugrov Ⅱ. Changes in Russia-U.S. Relations and New START/ Vladimir U. Sizov Ⅲ. Russian Security Strategy in Northeast Asia and the North Korean Nuclear Issue/ Vasily Mikheev Ⅳ. The Russia-ROK Quest for a Strategic Partnership: Problems and Implications in Security Cooperation/ Georgy Toloraya Part 2. Russia Strategy for Economic Development and the Korean Peninsula Ⅴ. Main Trends and Prospects for the Russian Far East/East Siberia Region´s Cooperation with Northeast Asia/ Alexander N. Fedorovskiy Ⅵ. The Russia-to-Korea Railroad Connetion Project: Present State and Prospects/ Alexander Vorotsov Ⅶ. The Russian Position and Policies on the Tuman River Area Development Programme(TRADP)/ Svetlana Suslina Ⅷ. Russia´s Strategy Toward the Arctic/ Seok Hwan Kim Conclusion: Suggestions for Strengthening the ROK-Russia Strategic Cooperation Partnership/ In-Kon Yeo
This book analyzes the cost of division that the four powers must bear as well as the benefits of nification they will acquire. There has been much research on the same topic, but mostly done from the perspective of Korean scholars. However, this book provides perspectives of scholars from each of the four states as well as Asia-Pacific region. This book is part of an ongoing effort by KINU to strengthen South Korea’s unification diplomacy. This book is divided into 10 chapters. Chapter 1-8 analyze the cost of division and the benefits of unification from the security and economic perspective of the United States, Japan, China, and Russia. Chapter 9 and 10 look at the bigger picture by discussing the division cost and benefits of unification from the standpoint of the Asia-Pacific region as a whole. Based on the analyses of the chapters, the conclusion chapter examines the similarities and differences of the division cost that the four powers must bear as well as the benefits they will obtain. Introduction The Costs of Division and the Benefits of Unification for the Four Northeast Asian Powers/ Kook-Shin Kim, Jae-Jeok Park Chapter 1 The Costs of Korean Division and the Benefits of Korean Unification for U.S. National Security/ Kongdan Katy Oh Chapter 2 Economic Implications for the United States of the Divided Korean Peninsula/ William B. Brown Chapter 3 Korean Peninsula Division/Unification and China : From the Security Perspective of China/ Ming Liu Chapter 4 Korean Peninsula Division/Unification and China : From the Economic Perspective of China/ Jiyoung Zheng,Jianzhong Jiang Chapter 5 Korean Peninsula Division/Unification : From the Security Perspective of Japan/ Tomohiko Satake Chapter 6 Costs and Benefits of Korean Unification for Japan : Political and Economic Perspectives/ Sachio Nakato Chapter 7 Korean Peninsula Division/Unification and Russia : From the Security Perspective of Russia/ Leonid Petrov Chapter 8 Korean Peninsula Division/Unification and Russia : From the Economic Perspective of Russia/ Alexander Fedorovskiy Chapter 9 Korean Peninsula Division/Unification and Security Order in the Asia-Pacific Region/ Thomas S. Wilkins Chapter 10 Korean Peninsula Unification : Opportunities and Challenges to Asia-Pacific Economies/ Jeffrey Robertson
North Korea’s public distribution system has been maintained somewhat perfunctorily since its severe economic hardship in the 1990s. However in reality, rationing to the working class has been suspended, or made through state-owned enterprises. Even the mid-to-lower elite class has not been able to receive rations from the state in a normal manner. As a result, North Korea’s planned economy has not been functioning properly since the Arduous March. At the same time, illegal and antisocialist activities have become widespread, since people seek subsistence in markets. From the center to rural areas, and from the top elite to the mid-to-lower elite class, corruption, such as the accumulation of personal benefits and wealth through abnormal activities, has been rampant in North Korea
The aim of this project is to research the necessity of international cooperation on Korean unification in legal terms as South Korea’s Unification Policy and how issues of the Korean Peninsula have been dealt with in the international framework. Since this is the second year of a five-year project, the conceptual aspect requires clarification in the overall aspect and this requires a multidisciplinary approach. But the main focus remains the legal aspect, international law, in particular. This study assumes that unification will be a gradual process, generally in three stages: (1) inter-Korean cooperation, (2) negotiation for inter-Korean unification (be it North Korea’s collapse, or actual inter-Korean negotiation for unification, this stage includes any inter-Korean negotiation for unification and international negotiation formula, such as Six Party Talks, etc.), and (3) post-unification integration. The study begins with the understanding that South Korea needs to be prepared for legal matters potentially arising in these processes. The project this year, in particular, deals with the legal issues that should be dealt with in the first and second stages. The scope of the papers in this project covers four main areas. The first is time span. The research for this project covers the 19th century to the present and draws future-oriented implications, but the main focus is on current issues. The second is in regard to approaches. The study deals with three main approaches: historical, political, and legal, but for purposes of this project, the main focus is on the legal aspect. The third concerns the issues addressed. These are the nuclear issue, the military issue, inter-Korean cooperation issues, and the human rights issue. Finally, the scope of actors considered includes South and North Korea, neighboring countries (the U.S., China, Japan, and Russia), and international organizations (e.g., UN, WFP, WHO, etc.). The papers included here are organized into three main sections. The first concerns the meaning of Korean unification and the context of international cooperation. Park Jong-Chul provides a general overview of the Park Geun-Hye administration’s North Korea and unification policy, referred to as “Trustpolitik,” and the trust-building process on the Korean Peninsula, as well as the need for international cooperation. Sue Mi Terry examines the U.S. and China’s perspective on the issues laid out above. She explores areas where U.S.-China interests converge and diverge and whether strategic cooperation and coordination between the two nations are possible in the case of Korean unification. The second section presents historical and legal perspectives related to the situation on the Korean peninsula. Charles K. Armstrong’s work on the historical perspective is divided into three sections chronologically: (1) the struggle of 19th Century Korea to become a modern sovereign state and its failure with the advent of colonial rule, (2) war leading to the division of the Korean Peninsula, and (3) the inter-Korean situation based on de facto recognition (as opposed to de jure) as a political entity arising out of the 1972 Joint Communiqué and the “special relationship” from then on. Next, Roh Jeong-Ho provides a legal approach to the question of inter-Korean relations and the debate on unification by dividing the period from 1876 to the present day into five distinct periods and examining the limitations to the legal order and the evolution of world order as they pertain to Korea. Finally, Leon V. Sigal discusses how international law and institutions might improve South Korean security and facilitate inter-Korean reconciliation with special attention to confidence-building in the West Sea. The third section examines in greater detail the legal aspects of Inter-Korean Cooperation and human rights. Regarding human rights, it is important to consider the link between inter-Korean cooperation and human rights. The improvement of human rights and people’s livelihood in North Korea, which is part of the ultimate goal of unification, can be achieved by inter-Korean cooperation. Inter-Korean cooperation leads to inducing change in North Korea, which then logically leads to the improvement of human rights in North Korea. Lee Hyo-Won focuses on the legal matters regarding the establishment of a DMZ World Peace Park. Soung Jea-Hyen looks at the legal matters regarding the internationalization of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex. Cho Jung-Hyun provides an analysis of the contents and legal implications of the recent outcome of the UN Commission of Inquiry (COI) on Human Rights in the DPRK, such as the meaning of stating “crimes against humanity,” the notion of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in respect to North Korea, and transitional justice in the possible post-unification stage. Finally, David Hawk tracks North Korean human rights developments in the post-COI period. Preface/ Jong-Chul Park and Jeong-Ho Roh I. The Meaning of Korean Unification in the Context of International Cooperation South Korea’s TrustPolitik and International Cooperation.....1 South Korea’s TrustPolitik and International Cooperation/ Jong-Chul Park.....3 U.S.-China Rivalry and the Unification of the Korean Peninsula/ Sue Mi Terry.....31 II. The Situation on the Korean Peninsula: Historical and Legal Perspectives .....59 An Unfinished Project: Challenges and Struggles of Korea to Become a Modern Sovereign Nation-State/ Charles K. Armstrong.....61 The Limits of Legal Order in an Evolving World Order on the Korean Peninsula/ Jeong-Ho Roh.....89 Legal Approaches to Korean Security in the Early Stages of Unification: The Armistice Agreement and the NLL/ Leon V. Sigal.....119 III. Legal Aspects of Inter-Korean Cooperation and Human Rights.....145 Legal Perspective and International Cooperation on World Peace Park in DMZ between South and North Korea / Hyo-Won Lee.....147 Plan for the Internationalization of the Kaesong Industrial Region and the Resolution of Its Commercial Disputes/ Jea-Hyen Soung.....169 The Report of the UN Commission of Inquiry (COI) on North Korean Human Rights: Some International Legal Analyses/ Jung-Hyun Cho.....195 North Korea’s Response to the UN Commission of Inquiry (COI) Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea/ David Hawk.....213 Contributors.....251
Ⅰ. The Trust-building Process on the Korean Peninsula and Outlook for Inter- Korean Relations Choi Jinwook Ⅱ. The Future of U.S. Alliances and Partnerships in Asia: Implications for the U.S.-ROK Alliance Abraham M. Denmark Ⅲ. Chinese Perspectives on the East Asian Security Environment and the Korean Peninsula Liu Ming, Wang Cheng-zhi, Cui Rong-wei Ⅳ. Changing Security Environment in Northeast Asia and the Trust-building Process on the Korean Peninsula Shen Dingli Ⅴ. Thoughts on the Future of Myanmar’s Transition Nicholas Farrelly Ⅵ. Historical and Comparative Commentary on (Partly) Previous Burmese Regimes, Current Reforms and (Im)possible Applications for North Korea Myint Zan
With the coming of so-called G2 era, guaranteeing cooperation with China is a rising strategic task when it comes to the North Korean problem and Korean reunification. There is a clear limit, however, in guaranteeing Chinese cooperation due to the Republic of Korea (ROK) and China’s different perceptions on Korean reunification while economic interdependence between these two states is increasing. In international society, cooperation could be achieved on the basis of shared interests, but issue by issue, shared interests in and of themselves may not be enough. “Strategic leverage,” in other words, might be necessary in order to induce some kind of inter-state cooperation. This research was undertaken in the context of the above-mentioned questions, with regard to building up diplomatic leverage that could lead to possible ways to induce Chinese cooperation. This research was undertaken in the context of cooperation with Florence Lowe-Lee at the Global America Business Institute; Dr. Jae H. Ku at the U.S.-Korea Institute at SAIS, Johns Hopkins University; and Professor David Hawk at the City University of New York. Researchers Kwon Hye-Jin, Moon Mi-Young, Ro Young-Ji, An Hyun-Jung (former member) at the Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU) and Wonhee Lee at the U.S.-Korea Institute at SAIS also devoted much effort in making it possible to publish this volume. as did coeditor Dr. Jae H. Ku. As the chief editor of this volume, I sincerely appreciate all these efforts. It is my hope that this research helps academics and experts as well as general audiences better understand the dynamic relationship between core and periphery in China, the relationship between China and its weak neighboring countries, China and international human rights organizations, and North Korean human rights. Jung-Ho Bae, senior research fellow, Korea Institute for National Unification ― Part 1 : China’s Internal Center-Periphery Relations Chapter 1 Middle Kingdom’s New Territory: A History of Relations Between Xinjiang and China/ Haiyun Ma Chapter 2 Diplomacy or Mobilization: The Tibetan Dilemma in the Struggle with China/ Tenzin Dorjee ― Part 2 : China’s Relations with Neighboring Countries Chapter 3 China’s Relations with Mongolia: An Uneasy Road/ Mark T. Fung Chapter 4 China’s Relations with Vietnam: Permanently Caught Between Friend and Foe/ Catharin E. Dalpino Chapter 5 China’s Relations with Laos and Cambodia/ Carlyle A. Thayer Chapter 6 China’s Relations with Myanmar: National Interests and Uncertainties/ Yun Sun ― Part 3 : China and International Institutions Chapter 7 The People’s Republic of China and Respect for International Human Rights Law and Mechanisms/ Sophie Richardson Chapter 8 International Human Rights Law and the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea: The “UN Roadmap” for Human Rights Improvements in North Korea/ David Hawk
1. Introduction 2. The Geopolitics of Competition and Conflict since the halt of the Russo-Korean Pipeline A. Chinese proposal for Russo-Sino-Korean gas pipeline cooperation B. Likelihood of changes in Russia’s position C. Expansion of the Japanese factor D. Internal conflicts in South Korea and the U.S. negative viewpoint 3. The Meaning and Role of the Russo-Korean Pipeline: Possibilities for New Cooperation A. Catalyst for Northeast Asian energy cooperation B. Beyond energy cooperation: Catalyst for Northeast Asian Peace and Cooperation Initiative and the Trust-building Process on the Korean Peninsula
The speed and strength of Kim Jong Un in establishing his standing as a man of supreme power will depend on how much the North Korean power elite will support him in unity. Kim Jong Un will not be able to solidify his power foundation without gaining enthusiastic help from, or control of the power elite. In other words, unity and movement of the power elite are the key variables in establishing and stabilizing the Kim Jong Un regime. With regards to this point, this study analyzes the characteristics, structure, and network of the power elite under the Kim Jong Un regime, and particularly focuses on examining the possibility of whether factions can be formed
Ⅰ. Nuclear Summit 2012 and U.S.-ROK Strategic Cooperation/ Jae H. Ku, Jung-Ho Bae Ⅱ. The Evolution of U.S. Nuclear Strategy: From Massive Retaliation to the Nuclear Posture Review/ Thomas M. Nichols Ⅲ. The Current Status of the Non-Proliferation Regime/ Yong shik Choo Ⅳ. Combating North Korea´s Nuclear Blackmail: Proactive Deterrence and the Triad System/ Taewoo Kim Ⅴ. Three States, Three Stories: Comparing Iran, Syria and North Korea´s Nuclear Programs/ Jim Walsh Ⅵ. South Asia and the Strategic Implications of Nuclear Weapons/ Walter Andersen Ⅶ. Nuclear Weapons and Non-State Actors: Issues for Concern/ Sharon K. Weiner Ⅷ. New Nuclear Renaissance: Challenges for Nuclear Non-Proliferation?/ Jae Jeok Park Ⅸ. China´s Way to Go Nuclear/ Teng Jianqun Ⅹ. ROK-U.S. Strategic Cooperation/ Young-Ho Park
Preface Ⅰ.A Study to Analyze CostBenefits of the Reunification of Korean Peninsula to the United States (Marcus Noland) 1. Unification Scenarios and Interests of the United States 2. General Equilibrium Calibration of Unification 3. Implications for the United States from the Gravity Model 4. Policy Issues Ⅱ.A Study to Analyze CostBenefits of the Reunification of Korean Peninsula to China (Jin Jingyi et al.) 1. Introduction 2. Ideal Condition of the Korean Peninsula within China’s Development Strategy in Northeast Asia 3. Unification of the Korean Peninsula and Economic Benefits for China 4. Unification of the Korean Peninsula and Security Benefits for China 5. Sino-Korean Cooperation Strategies for Korean Unification 6. Conclusion Ⅲ.A Study to Analyze CostBenefits of the Reunification of Korean Peninsula to Japan (Kyoji Fukao et al.) 1. Introduction 2. Scenarios of Economic Development after Unification 3. Increase in GDP and Employment in Japan and Other Major Economies 4. A ‘Super Korea’ as Japan’s Rival in the East Asian Division of Labor 5. Financing North Korea’s Infrastructure 6. Role of Japanese Private Firms in Supporting the Infrastructure Projects Ⅳ.A Study to Analyze CostBenefits of the Reunification of Korean Peninsula to the Russian Federation (Alexander Zhebin et al.) 1. Factors Determining Russia’s Korean Policy 2. Major Shortcomings of the Existing Reunification Scenarios 3. Cost-Benefits of 5 Unification Scenarios 4. Suggestions for South Korea’s Unification Policy Ⅴ. The Effects of Economic Integration between South and North Korea(Sung Hankyoung) 1. Introduction 2. Changes due to Economic Integration 3. Model and Scenario 4. Analysis of Results by Scenario 5. Comparative Analysis of Scenario Results 6. Policy Implications Ⅵ.Gradual Economic Integration between South and North Korea and Economic Cooperation in Northeast Asia (Kang Moonsung et al.) 1. Introduction 2. Fundamental Directions for Achieving Economic Integration of North andSouth Korea 3. North and South Korean Economic Integration and Effects on NortheastAsian Division of Labor 4. North and South Korean Economic Integration and Northeast AsianEconomic Cooperation 5. Gradual Achievement of South and North Korean Economic Integration Ⅶ.Analysis on Diplomatic and Security Benefits of Unification and Strategies for Unification (Chun Chae-sung et al.) 1. Introduction 2. International Politics in the Current East Asian Region 3. Position on the Unification in the Korean Peninsula of Countries US, China,Japan and Russia 4. Unification Diplomacy Strategies for the Unified Korean Peninsula vis-à-visNeighboring Countries Those of us living in the contemporary times have a common mission to achieve unification in the Korean peninsula for the joint progress of South and North Korea based on the support of the international society and Northeast Asian cooperation. Korean unification is also an historical imperative for the Koreans who have been one nation and one people for a long time. Therefore it is necessary to present to the government strategies and policy alternatives through in-depth research on ‘when’ and ‘how’ unification would be achieved, and ‘what’ kinds of impact it would have, rather than ‘if’ it will happen. In this respect, this book is a summary of 7 studies conducted under the ‘Research Project on the Unified Korea and Northeast Asian Economic Cooperation’. Its main contents include analyses on the costs and benefits of the unification of Korea in the perspective of its four neighboring countries—US, China, Japan, and Russia; effects of inter-Korean economic integration in Korea’s perspective, and analysis of diplomatic/security benefits of unification. The world is now more interconnected than ever, and Korean unification will invariably impact its neighbors. In this regard, the cost-benefit analyses of the four countries are quite meaningful in that 12 overseas Korea specialists analyze the benefits of Korean unification and provide policy suggestions to maximize these benefits from the perspective of their own respective countries. In addition, the three research projects conducted by 11 domestic experts which provide advice on the effects of economic integration along with strategies for Northeast Asian cooperation based on their analysis on inter-Korean economic integration and diplomatic/security benefits of unification are also extremely valuable. The research projects conducted by researchers from 4 major countries present four unification scenarios-status-quo, North Korea’s reform and opening-up, absorption of the North by South Korea, and peaceful unification. In the case of peaceful unification, which is preferable to all parties involved, the US, China, Japan, and Russia will all witness an increase of $7.6 to 48.5 billion in their GDPs, and creation of 210,000 to 5,640,000 new jobs, resulting in positive ripple impacts for all 4 countries. According to the analyses, China will be the biggest benefactor of Korean unification, the US and Japan will reap similar benefits, and Russia will benefit the least. In the event of Korean unification, China’s three northeast provinces will become a vibrant logistics center and hub for the Eurasian Continent and the Pacific region. According to the study by Japanese researchers, a ‘Super Korea’ will emerge after Korean unification, rivaling Japan. The russian researchers analyzed that if energy exports increases; and the Siberian railway and gas pipeline were connected all the way to the Korean peninsula as a result of unification, it will lead to an economic boom in the Far East. Domestic researchers show that unification will bring changes in factors of production, market expansion, decrease in military spending, and improvement in international credit rating. According to their various unification scenarios, North and South Korea’s GDP growth rates will increase 16%p and 1%p respectively between 2016 and 2030. In the early stages of unification, independent currencies should be used but One Korea Indexed Unit of Account (OKU) must also be introduced; and in order to make use of North Korea’s human resources, disparity of wages between South and North Korea is unavoidable. They also analyze that a unified Korea will contribute to the resolution of the security dilemma in Northeast Asia by buffering the competition for economic and military hegemony between major powers such as the US vis-a-vis China and China vis-a-vis Japan, facilitating cooperation. Also, North Korea’s denuclearization alone will, in and of itself, significantly benefit neighboring countries. Those of us living in the contemporary times have a common mission to achieve unification in the Korean peninsula for the joint progress of South and North Korea based on the support of the international society and Northeast Asian cooperation. Korean unification is also an historical imperative for the Koreans who have been one nation and one people for a long time. Therefore it is necessary to present to the government strategies and policy alternatives through in-depth research on ‘when’ and ‘how’ unification would be achieved, and ‘what’ kinds of impact it would have, rather than ‘if’ it will happen. In this respect, this book is a summary of 7 studies conducted under the ‘Research Project on the Unified Korea and Northeast Asian Economic Cooperation’. Its main contents include analyses on the costs and benefits of the unification of Korea in the perspective of its four neighboring countries—US, China, Japan, and Russia; effects of inter-Korean economic integration in Korea’s perspective, and analysis of diplomatic/security benefits of unification. The world is now more interconnected than ever, and Korean unification will invariably impact its neighbors. In this regard, the cost-benefit analyses of the four countries are quite meaningful in that 12 overseas Korea specialists analyze the benefits of Korean unification and provide policy suggestions to maximize these benefits from the perspective of their own respective countries. In addition, the three research projects conducted by 11 domestic experts which provide advice on the effects of economic integration along with strategies for Northeast Asian cooperation based on their analysis on inter-Korean economic integration and diplomatic/security benefits of unification are also extremely valuable. The research projects conducted by researchers from 4 major countries present four unification scenarios-status-quo, North Korea’s reform and opening-up, absorption of the North by South Korea, and peaceful unification. In the case of peaceful unification, which is preferable to all parties involved, the US, China, Japan, and Russia will all witness an increase of $7.6 to 48.5 billion in their GDPs, and creation of 210,000 to 5,640,000 new jobs, resulting in positive ripple impacts for all 4 countries. According to the analyses, China will be the biggest benefactor of Korean unification, the US and Japan will reap similar benefits, and Russia will benefit the least. In the event of Korean unification, China’s three northeast provinces will become a vibrant logistics center and hub for the Eurasian Continent and the Pacific region. According to the study by Japanese researchers, a ‘Super Korea’ will emerge after Korean unification, rivaling Japan. The russian researchers analyzed that if energy exports increases; and the Siberian railway and gas pipeline were connected all the way to the Korean peninsula as a result of unification, it will lead to an economic boom in the Far East. Domestic researchers show that unification will bring changes in factors of production, market expansion, decrease in military spending, and improvement in international credit rating. According to their various unification scenarios, North and South Korea’s GDP growth rates will increase 16%p and 1%p respectively between 2016 and 2030. In the early stages of unification, independent currencies should be used but One Korea Indexed Unit of Account (OKU) must also be introduced; and in order to make use of North Korea’s human resources, disparity of wages between South and North Korea is unavoidable. They also analyze that a unified Korea will contribute to the resolution of the security dilemma in Northeast Asia by buffering the competition for economic and military hegemony between major powers such as the US vis-a-vis China and China vis-a-vis Japan, facilitating cooperation. Also, North Korea’s denuclearization alone will, in and of itself, significantly benefit neighboring countries.
North Korea’s economic difficulties during the mid-1990s were the decisive factor in fundamentally damaging the North Korean people’s quality of life. The standard of living has deteriorated to extreme levels of deprivation in which the right to food security, the right to health and other minimum needs for human survival are denied. Since its inauguration, the Lee Myung-bak administration has proposed policies that strive to improve the North Korean people’s “quality of life” by providing humanitarian aid to the North. Although concern regarding the “quality of life” has been discussed with a focus on aid provisions, the reality is that there is a lack of specific analyses on this subject. It is true that one can refute such analyses by stating that it would be pointless to discuss the quality of life when the North Korean economy is in a state of ruin. However, an academic approach is necessary in such discussions as a means to evaluate the propriety of applying international views onto the concept of the quality of life. With this perspective, the paper aims to review the possibility of applying international standards onto North Korea in order to systematically analyze the phenomenon that has disintegrated its quality of life. Should the international views be applicable, then this paper will explore the means by which they can be applied while also acknowledging North Korea’s special characteristics Ⅰ. Introduction Ⅱ. Theories on the Quality of Life and an Analytic Framework for its Application in North Korea 1. Current Trends in International Research on the “Quality of Life” 2. Applying the “Quality of Life” Theory to North Korea 3. The Official North Korean Discourse on Life Ⅲ. The Objective Situation of North Korea’s Quality of Life 1. The North Korean People’s Situation Regarding “Food, Clothing, and Housing” 2. The Illusion of “Free” Education and the Widening Inequality in the Quality of Education 3. The Illusion of “Free” Medical Care and the Widening Inequality in the Quality of Medical Services Ⅳ. Subjective Perceptions on Quality of Life 1. The North Korean Authority’s Official Goals for Life and Actual Perceptions 2. The Different Classes’ Quality of Life: From the “Core, Wavering and Hostility” to “Upper, Middle and Lower” 3. Generational Changes in Quality of Life: Transitional Period of the Distribution System, Food Shortages, and the Market Generations 4. Gender Differences in the Perceptions on Quality of Life Ⅴ. Conclusion: Improving the Quality of Life of the North Korean People
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