In February 1942, barely two months after he had declared war on the United States, Adolf Hitler praised America's great industrial achievements and admitted that Germany would need some time to catch up. The Americans, he said, had shown the way in developing the most efficient methods of production—especially in iron and coal, which formed the basis of modern industrial civilization. He also touted America's superiority in the field of transportation, particularly the automobile. He loved automobiles and saw in Henry Ford a great hero of the industrial age. Hitler's personal train was even code-named "Amerika." In Hitler and America, historian Klaus P. Fischer seeks to understand more deeply how Hitler viewed America, the nation that was central to Germany's defeat. He reveals Hitler's split-minded image of America: America and Amerika. Hitler would loudly call the United States a feeble country while at the same time referring to it as an industrial colossus worthy of imitation. Or he would belittle America in the vilest terms while at the same time looking at the latest photos from the United States, watching American films, and amusing himself with Mickey Mouse cartoons. America was a place that Hitler admired—for the can-do spirit of the American people, which he attributed to their Nordic blood—and envied—for its enormous territorial size, abundant resources, and political power. Amerika, however, was to Hitler a mongrel nation, grown too rich too soon and governed by a capitalist elite with strong ties to the Jews. Across the Atlantic, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt had his own, far more realistically grounded views of Hitler. Fischer contrasts these with the misconceptions and misunderstandings that caused Hitler, in the end, to see only Amerika, not America, and led to his defeat.
Originally published in German in 1988, The Apocalypse in Germany is now available for the first time in English. A fitting subject for the dawn of the new millennium, the apocalypse has intrigued humanity for the last two thousand years, serving as both a fascinating vision of redemption and a profound threat. A cross-disciplinary study, The Apocalypse in Germany analyzes fundamental aspects of the apocalypse as a religious, political, and aesthetic phenomenon. Author Klaus Vondung draws from religious, philosophical, and political texts, as well as works of art and literature. Using classic Jewish and Christian apocalyptic texts as symbolic and historical paradigms, Vondung determines the structural characteristics and the typical images of the apocalyptic worldview. He clarifies the relationship between apocalyptic visions and utopian speculations and explores the question of whether modern apocalypses can be viewed as secularizations of the Judeo-Christian models. Examining sources from the eighteenth century to the present, Vondung considers the origins of German nationalism, World War I, National Socialism, and the apocalyptic tendencies in Marxism as well as German literature--from the fin de siècle to postmodernism. His analysis of the existential dimension of the apocalypse explores the circumstances under which particular individuals become apocalyptic visionaries and explains why the apocalyptic tradition is so prevalent in Germany. The Apocalypse in Germany offers an interdisciplinary perspective that will appeal to a broad audience. This book will also be of value to readers with an interest in German studies, as it clarifies the riddles of Germany's turbulent history and examines the profile of German culture, particularly in the past century.
Professor Hildebrand gives a masterly and succinct account of Nazi Germany between 1933 and 1945 and then analyses the major problems of interpretation and the extent to which common ground has been achieved by scholars in the field. This title available in eBook format. Click here for more information. Visit our eBookstore at: www.ebookstore.tandf.co.uk.
This monumental, comprehensive, controversial study is the first volume of a definitive history of the churches in Germany between the wars. It is especially significant in that it is based on a great deal of original research into both religious and political sources, and is the first book to work on the presupposition that an accurate picture of the churches in the Third Reich demands that both Protestant and Roman Catholic churches are studied side by side, since it was the rivalry between the churches that in some ways contributed to their downfall. Contrary to what has often been asserted, Professor Scholder argues that Hitler did have a plan for the churches over a long period. Crucial to that plan on the Catholic side was his desire for a concordat parallel to that achieved by Mussolini, keeping the clergy out of politics, which the Vatican was over-hasty to meet; it was the attempt to treat the Protestant churches in a similar way to the Catholic church, which led to the difficulties that ended in the church struggle. There is also a realistic analysis of the Jewish question, documenting the churches’ failure in this area with severity and scholarly rigor. The first part covers developments up to Hitler’s seizure of power; the second is devoted to the year 1933, during which all the major issues were in fact decided.
Klaus Urner has discovered proof that Hitler wanted to "rub out" Switzerland. The planned occupation of the country was, however, postponed for a short time and in the end did not materialize. Switzerland was the only country in Western Europe that did not suffer military invasion in World War II. It made itself indispensable to both sides and survived in the eye of the hurricane that was Nazi aggression. "Let's Swallow Switzerland", including archival photographs, original color maps, and reprints of secret documents, sets new standards for the investigation of this important chapter of twentieth-century history.
On the tracks of the killers of Rosa Luxemburg The cold-blooded murder of revolutionary icons Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht in the pitched political battles of post-WWI Germany marks one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century. No other political assassination inflamed popular passions and transformed Germany's political climate as that killing in the night of 15-16 January 1919 in front of the luxurious Hotel Eden. It not only cut short the lives of two of the country's most brilliant political leaders, but also inaugurated a series of further political assassinations designed to snuff out the revolutionary flame and, ultimately, pave the way for the ultra-reactionary forces that would take power in 1933. To commemorate the 100th anniversary of their untimely deaths, Klaus Gietinger has carefully reconstructed the events on that fateful night, digging deep into the archives to identify who exactly was responsible for the murder, and what forces in high-placed positions had a hand in facilitating it and protecting the culprits.
The first history of the new deal in global context The New Deal: A Global History provides a radically new interpretation of a pivotal period in US history. The first comprehensive study of the New Deal in a global context, the book compares American responses to the international crisis of capitalism and democracy during the 1930s to responses by other countries around the globe—not just in Europe but also in Latin America, Asia, and other parts of the world. Work creation, agricultural intervention, state planning, immigration policy, the role of mass media, forms of political leadership, and new ways of ruling America's colonies—all had parallels elsewhere and unfolded against a backdrop of intense global debates. By avoiding the distortions of American exceptionalism, Kiran Klaus Patel shows how America's reaction to the Great Depression connected it to the wider world. Among much else, the book explains why the New Deal had enormous repercussions on China; why Franklin D. Roosevelt studied the welfare schemes of Nazi Germany; and why the New Dealers were fascinated by cooperatives in Sweden—but ignored similar schemes in Japan. Ultimately, Patel argues, the New Deal provided the institutional scaffolding for the construction of American global hegemony in the postwar era, making this history essential for understanding both the New Deal and America's rise to global leadership.
Innovation is a source of competitive advantage. In other words, firms may leverage innovation to generate rents, at least temporarily. And this is intended to be a self-sustained business model: part of the rent extracted from the market may be re-invested into new technological developments which in turn permit additional innovations, thus regenerating the sources of rents. This is the positive loop of innovation. In this sense, business would be a permanent hunt for innovations, in search of rents. Yet, innovations need to be protected if firms want to benefit from rents over long periods of time. However, the strategic management literature tends to suggests that patents are a weak protection against aggressive imitators. Secrecy may help but we also know that technology ends up leaking in most cases. Speed in new developments to cut "time to market" may be another way of protecting the technological advance of the firm. But again, this may not be enough as start-ups may out-compete the established firm in the race for innovation. This is where Dr. Klaus Jennewein's key idea comes into the picture. The core of his thesis is that brand equity may be combined to technological protections such as patents to build a multi-layer, complex, intricate shield to protect the sources of rents against competitors and imitators.
Published in association with the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum This invaluable work traces the role of the Einsatzgruppen of the Security Police and SD, the core group of Himmler’s murder units involved in the “Final Solution of the Jewish Question,” during and immediately after the German campaign in Poland in 1939. In addition to relevant Einsatzgruppen reports, the book includes key documents from other sources, especially eyewitness accounts from victims or onlookers. Such accounts provide an alternative, often much more realistic, perspective on the nature and consequences of the actions previously known only through documentation generated by the perpetrators. With carefully selected primary sources contextualized by the authors’ clear narrative, this work fills an important gap in our understanding of a crucial period in the evolution of policies directed against Jews, Poles, and others deemed dangerous or inferior by the Third Reich. Supplemented by maps and photographs, this book will be an essential reference and research tool.
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