Countries undergoing or recovering from conflict and authoritarianism often face profound rule of law challenges. The law on the statute books may be repressive, judicial independence may be compromised, and criminal justice agencies may be captured by powerful interests. How do lawyers working within such settings imagine the law? How do they understand their ethical obligations towards their clients and the rule of law? What factors motivate them to use their legal practice and social capital to challenge repressive power? What challenges and risks can they face if they do so? And when do lawyers facilitate or acquiesce to illegality and injustice? Drawing on over 130 interviews from Cambodia, Chile, Israel, Palestine, South Africa, and Tunisia, this book explores the extent to which theoretical understandings within law and society research on the motivations, strategies, tactics, and experiences of lawyers within democratic states apply to these more challenging environments.
This title was first published in 2000: This text reports on the findings of the Communities Crime Survey, a communities-based survey carried out within Northern Ireland. The survey asked a number of questions beyond the usual remit of local crime surveys, in order to explore more fully a whole range of issues relating to the experience of living in a society where more obvious manifestations of conflict are beginning to recede and other more mundane but still important issues relating to crime and policing are coming to the fore. The book aims to go behind the headlines of violence and political conflict to examine how people in a range of communities in Northern Ireland experience a whole range of factors relating to crime, policing and the general experience of living within their particular communities. The process of change is far from over in Northern Ireland, and this book indicates how some of the central issues that must be resolved are perceived by a range of ordinary people in various urban and rural communities, in religiously segregated and integrated communities and those with different levels of income and social infrastructure. The experiences and attitudes gathered are important in understanding how the process of change and development in this society might be advanced, and what lessons might be offered to elsewhere. The survey ultimately concludes that Northern Ireland is neither a homogeneous entity nor a society that is simply divided on religious and/or political grounds. Rather it is a society that is divided by religion and politics, but also by a number of other variables, including geography, gender, age, socio-economic class and ethnic origin, all of which in part influence people's experiences and attitudes towards crime and policing.
You might never have seen a hurling game in your life, but within ten minutes of seeing Brian Corcoran play, you'd know and say, "That man with that helmet is special." He just has an authority, a grace, a presence that elevates him from everything else which surrounds him' - Ger Loughnane The year 2006 was about more than an historic three-in-a-row bid for the Cork hurlers; it marked the last year in the inter-county career of probably the county's finest and most revered hurler of the past 20 years. In Every Single Ball, Brian Corcoran gives us a riveting insight into the workings of the most professional team the GAA has ever known as they sought hurling immortality. He also takes us through, in his refreshingly candid and sincere way, one of the most varied and lengthy careers of modern times and the personalities, highs, trials and tribulations he encountered along the way. He brings us into the training grounds and dressing-rooms of Billy Morgan, Larry Tompkins, Canon O'Brien and Jimmy Barry-Murphy, recalls the torment and frustration that caused him to walk away from hurling at only 28 and reveals how, just like his hero, Michael Jordan, he came back and fell in love again with his sport and with winning. Quite simply, Every Single Ball is the story of one of Ireland's greatest sporting comebacks, sportsmen and sports teams.
The cover-up of child sexual abuse by the Catholic Church has been occurring under the pontificate of six popes since 1922. For 1500 years, the Catholic Church accepted that clergy who sexually abused children deserved to be stripped of their status as priests and then imprisoned. A series of papal and Council decrees from the twelfth century required such priests to be dismissed from the priesthood, and then handed over to the civil authorities for further punishment.That all changed in 1922 when Pope Pius XI issued his decree Crimen Sollicitationis that created a de facto privilege of clergy by imposing the secret of the Holy Office on all information obtained through the Churchs canonical investigations. If the State did not know about these crimes, then there would be no State trials, and the matter could be treated as a purely canonical crime to be dealt with in secret in the Church courts. Pope Pius XII continued the decree. Pope John XXIII reissued it in 1962. Pope Paul VI in 1974 extended the reach of pontifical secrecy to the allegation itself. Pope John Paul II confirmed the application of pontifical secrecy in 2001, and in 2010, Benedict XVI even extended it to allegations about priests sexually abusing intellectually disabled adults. In 2010, Pope Benedict gave a dispensation to pontifical secrecy to allow reporting to the police where the local civil law required it, that is, just enough to keep bishops out of jail. Most countries in the world do not have any such reporting laws for the vast majority of complaints about the sexual abuse of children. Pontifical secrecy, the cornerstone of the cover up continues. The effect on the lives of children by the imposition of the Churchs Top Secret classification on clergy sex abuse allegations may not have been so bad if canon law had a decent disciplinary system to dismiss these priests. The 1983 Code of Canon Law imposed a five year limitation period which virtually ensured there would be no canonical trials. It required bishops to try to reform these priests before putting them on trial. When they were on trial, the priest could plead the Vatican Catch 22 defencehe should not be dismissed because he couldnt control himself. The Church claims that all of this has changed. Very little has changed. It has fiddled around the edges of pontifical secrecy and the disciplinary canons. The Church has been moonwalking.
Based upon interviews with former prisoners and staff, Kieran McEvoy's study relates their experiences to the broader literature on imprisonment of paramilitaries in Northern Ireland.
This title was first published in 2000: This text reports on the findings of the Communities Crime Survey, a communities-based survey carried out within Northern Ireland. The survey asked a number of questions beyond the usual remit of local crime surveys, in order to explore more fully a whole range of issues relating to the experience of living in a society where more obvious manifestations of conflict are beginning to recede and other more mundane but still important issues relating to crime and policing are coming to the fore. The book aims to go behind the headlines of violence and political conflict to examine how people in a range of communities in Northern Ireland experience a whole range of factors relating to crime, policing and the general experience of living within their particular communities. The process of change is far from over in Northern Ireland, and this book indicates how some of the central issues that must be resolved are perceived by a range of ordinary people in various urban and rural communities, in religiously segregated and integrated communities and those with different levels of income and social infrastructure. The experiences and attitudes gathered are important in understanding how the process of change and development in this society might be advanced, and what lessons might be offered to elsewhere. The survey ultimately concludes that Northern Ireland is neither a homogeneous entity nor a society that is simply divided on religious and/or political grounds. Rather it is a society that is divided by religion and politics, but also by a number of other variables, including geography, gender, age, socio-economic class and ethnic origin, all of which in part influence people's experiences and attitudes towards crime and policing.
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