Why have democratic governments failed to take serious steps to reduce carbon emissions despite dire warnings and compelling evidence of the profound and growing threat posed by global warming? Most of the writing on global warming is by scientists, academics, environmentalists, and journalists. Kevin Taft, a former leader of the opposition in Alberta, brings a fresh perspective through the insight he gained as an elected politician who had an insider's eyewitness view of the role of the oil industry. His answer, in brief: The oil industry has captured key democratic institutions in both Alberta and Ottawa. Taft begins his book with a perceptive observer's account of a recent court casein Ottawa which laid bare the tactics and techniques of the industry, its insiders and lobbyists. He casts dramatic new light on exactly how corporate lobbyists, politicians, bureaucrats, universities, and other organizations are working together to pursue the oil industry's agenda. He offers a brisk tour of the recent work of scholars who have developed the concepts of the deep state and institutional capture to understand how one rich industry can override the public interest. Taft views global warming and weakened democracy as two symptoms of the same problem — the loss of democratic institutions to corporate influence and control. He sees citizen engagement and direct action by the public as the only response that can unravel big oil's deep state.
In William Howard Taft’s Constitutional Progressivism Kevin J. Burns makes a compelling case that Taft’s devotion to the Constitution of 1787 contributed to his progressivism. In contrast to the majority of scholarship, which has viewed Taft as a reactionary conservative because of his constitutionalism, Burns explores the ways Taft’s commitment to both the Constitution and progressivism drove his political career and the decisions he made as president and chief justice. Taft saw the Constitution playing a positive role in American political life, recognizing that it created a national government strong enough to enact broad progressive reforms. In reevaluating Taft’s career, Burns highlights how Taft rejected the “laisser [sic] faire school,” which taught that “the Government ought to do nothing but run a police force.” Recognizing that the massive industrial changes following the Civil War had created a plethora of socioeconomic ills, Taft worked to expand the national government’s initiatives in the fields of trust-busting, land conservation, tariff reform, railroad regulation, and worker safety law. Burns offers a fuller understanding of Taft and his political project by emphasizing Taft’s belief that the Constitution could play a constructive role in American political life by empowering the government to act and by undergirding and protecting the reform legislation the government implemented. Moreover, Taft recognized that if the Constitution could come to the aid of progressivism, political reform might also redound to the benefit of the Constitution by showing its continued relevance and workability in modern America. Although Taft’s efforts to promote significant policy-level reforms attest to his progressivism, his major contribution to American political thought is his understanding of the US Constitution as a fundamental law, not a policy-oriented document. In many ways Taft can be thought of as an originalist, yet his originalism was marked by a belief in robust national powers. Taft’s constitutionalism remains relevant because while his principles seem foreign to modern legal discourse, his constitutional vision offers an alternative to contemporary political divisions by combining political progressivism-liberalism with constitutional conservatism.
Alberta had the tightest controls on spending in Canada during the very period when the Klein government has claimed costs were soaring out of control. Now, public programs in Alberta-including health care-have become the most poorly supported in Canada. (6 weeks on the Financial Post national best-seller list!)
Alberta's most insightful political commentator is back with another essential book. Kevin Taft, together with economists Mel McMillan and Junaid Jahangir, follows the money to uncover why Alberta--one of the richest places on earth--still talks poor when it comes to public services. Do we really spend more than we can afford, more than we can sustain, on health care? On education? Why doesn't Alberta have enough hospital beds? Why have our schools faced teacher layoffs? Why are our city streets potholed, and why are rising numbers of Alberta children living in poverty? Where is all our wealth going? Follow the Money uncovers the truth behind the government's austerity slogans and cutbacks. The hard-hitting evidence of Follow the Money challenges Albertans to rethink the past and remake the future.
In William Howard Taft’s Constitutional Progressivism Kevin J. Burns makes a compelling case that Taft’s devotion to the Constitution of 1787 contributed to his progressivism. In contrast to the majority of scholarship, which has viewed Taft as a reactionary conservative because of his constitutionalism, Burns explores the ways Taft’s commitment to both the Constitution and progressivism drove his political career and the decisions he made as president and chief justice. Taft saw the Constitution playing a positive role in American political life, recognizing that it created a national government strong enough to enact broad progressive reforms. In reevaluating Taft’s career, Burns highlights how Taft rejected the “laisser [sic] faire school,” which taught that “the Government ought to do nothing but run a police force.” Recognizing that the massive industrial changes following the Civil War had created a plethora of socioeconomic ills, Taft worked to expand the national government’s initiatives in the fields of trust-busting, land conservation, tariff reform, railroad regulation, and worker safety law. Burns offers a fuller understanding of Taft and his political project by emphasizing Taft’s belief that the Constitution could play a constructive role in American political life by empowering the government to act and by undergirding and protecting the reform legislation the government implemented. Moreover, Taft recognized that if the Constitution could come to the aid of progressivism, political reform might also redound to the benefit of the Constitution by showing its continued relevance and workability in modern America. Although Taft’s efforts to promote significant policy-level reforms attest to his progressivism, his major contribution to American political thought is his understanding of the US Constitution as a fundamental law, not a policy-oriented document. In many ways Taft can be thought of as an originalist, yet his originalism was marked by a belief in robust national powers. Taft’s constitutionalism remains relevant because while his principles seem foreign to modern legal discourse, his constitutional vision offers an alternative to contemporary political divisions by combining political progressivism-liberalism with constitutional conservatism.
OVER 7000 copies have sold in 8 weeks Alberta's long-standing Progressive Conservative government has transformed Alberta into a virtual one-party province on its claims of openness, transparency and accountability. Democracy Derailed goes deep into the machinery of government to reveal how the Tories have methodically maintained their grip on power by dodging accountability, manipulating public opinion and stifling dissent both inside and outside of government. In doing so, the Tories have undermined the very foundation of democracy: government must be accountable to the people it is elected to serve. In this ground-breaking, first-person account, Kevin Taft exposes how Alberta's Tories derailed democracy and gives his prescription for putting it back on track. Visit www.democracyderailed.ca to see the web site set up for the book and and allows you to explore further into the issues it raises.
The Government of Alberta under Ralph Klein has asked a reasonable question: can health care be better provided partly as a private, for-profit product rather than as a not-for-profit public service? But-despite the claims of advocates for market-driven medicine-private hospitals are neither cheaper nor more efficient than public ones. Clear Answers summarizes the huge body of evidence showing that they are more expensive and less efficient.
The new edition of the most up-to-date, interdisciplinary history of Ohio currently available Now in its second edition, Ohio: A History of the Buckeye State surveys the long and rich history of Ohio from its earliest geological periods to the present day. Designed for undergraduate students and general readers alike, this accessible volume describes the pivotal events in Ohio’s history while discussing the major social, economic, and political trends that have shaped the state over time. Concise chapters cover Ohio prehistory and the First Ohioans, European contact, the formation of the Northwest Territory, early statehood and national politics, the Civil War, Reconstruction, the two World Wars, the 1950s and 1960s, and more. Incorporating the latest scholarship from history, archaeology, and political science, the second edition moves the story of Ohio into the second decade of the twenty-first century. Revised chapters contain new data and updated coverage of early Ohio society, major economic developments, early statehood, Ohio and national politics, and Ohio from the 1970s through 2020. Explores the breadth of Ohio’s past using a clear and engaging narrative style Includes thematic chapters focusing on major social, economic, and political trends Discusses Ohio’s influence on national nineteenth-century politics Covers the geological and topographical history of Ohio Examines Ohio’s transformation into an industrial state from 1865–1920 Contains numerous high-quality maps, drawings, and photographs Written by two authors with decades of combined academic experience in teaching Ohio history, Ohio: A History of the Buckeye State, Second Edition remains an essential resource for college-level students enrolled in courses on Ohio History, professionals working in historical societies, museums, and other institutions that focus on the state’s history, and general readers looking for a highly readable study of Ohio’s past.
While president of Aetna Life from 1879 to 1922, Morgan Bulkeley served four terms as mayor of Hartford, two terms as Connecticut’s governor, and one term as a United States senator. His friends and business and political acquaintances were a who’s who of the Gilded Age: Samuel Clemens, J. P. Morgan, Samuel and Elizabeth Colt, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Leland Stanford, Charles Crocker, Albert Spalding, General Sherman, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Katherine Hepburn, as well as every president from Ulysses Grant to Warren Harding. In 1874 Bulkeley formed the Hartford Dark Blues who soon joined the unruly National Association, antecedent of the National League. He served as the league’s first president for a year, and was later elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown. It was during Bulkeley’s controversial “holdover” term as governor that he earned the nickname “Crowbar Governor.” He used a crowbar to remove a lock that had been placed on his office door after refusing to vacate the governor’s chambers on a technicality. Written in classic storyteller fashion, and augmented by copious research, Crowbar Governor offers readers a privileged glimpse into life and politics in Connecticut during the Gilded Age. Ebook Edition Note: Eight images from the Connecticut Historical Society have been redacted.
Kevin Slack sounds the alarm on how America's failed neoliberal regime has given way to a woke oligarchy that has deployed a radical toolkit to rapidly strip away the rights of citizens. Americans often use the words progressive, liberal, and radical more or less interchangeably without understanding their place in American history. Kevin Slack describes the distinct aims of the movements they represent and weighs their consequences for the American republic. Each of the three movements rejected older republican principles of governance in favor of an administrative state, but there were substantial differences between Teddy Roosevelt’s Anglo-Protestant progressive social gospelers, who battled trusts and curbed immigration; Franklin Roosevelt’s and Lyndon Johnson’s secular liberals, who forged a government-business partnership and promoted a civil rights agenda; and the 1960s radicals, who protested corporate influence in the Great Society, liberal hypocrisy on race and gender, and the war in Vietnam. Each sought to overturn what came before. Following the revolution of the 1960s, elites on both left and right turned against the industrial middle class to erect an oligarchy at home and advance globalization abroad. Each side claimed to serve the interests of disadvantaged or underrepresented groups. Radicals ensconced themselves in bureaucracy and academia to advance their vision of social justice for women and minorities, while neoliberal elites promoted monopoly finance, open borders, and the outsourcing of jobs to benefit consumers. The administrative state became a global American empire, but the neoliberals’ economic and military failures precipitated a crisis of legitimacy. In the “great awokening” that began under Barack Obama, neoliberal elites, including establishment conservatives, openly broke with the populist base of the Republican Party, embraced identity politics, and used COVID-19 and a myth of insurrection to strip away the rights of American citizens. Today, an incompetent kleptocracy is draining the wealthiest and most powerful people in history, thus eroding the foundations of its own empire.
A nation's grand strategy rarely serves the best interests of all its citizens. Instead, every strategic choice benefits some domestic groups at the expense of others. When groups with different interests separate into opposing coalitions, societal debates over foreign policy become polarized along party lines. Parties then select leaders who share the priorities of their principal electoral and financial backers. As a result, the overarching goals and guiding principles of grand strategy, as formulated at the highest levels of government, derive from domestic coalitional interests. In The Political Economy of Grand Strategy, Kevin Narizny develops these insights into a comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of security policy.The focus of this analysis is the puzzle of partisanship. The conventional view of grand strategy, in which state leaders act as neutral arbiters of the "national interest," cannot explain why political turnover in the executive office often leads to dramatic shifts in state behavior. Narizny, in contrast, shows how domestic politics structured foreign policymaking in the United States and Great Britain from 1865 to 1941. In so doing, he sheds light on long-standing debates over the revival of British imperialism, the rise of American expansionism, the creation of the League of Nations, American isolationism in the interwar period, British appeasement in the 1930s, and both countries' decisions to enter World War I and World War II.
A behind-the-scenes, 60th anniversary commemoration of the 37th President's famous "Checkers" speech demonstrates how it salvaged a psychologically troubled Nixon's position on Eisenhower's Republican ticket, set the tone for the 1952 campaign and reflected period politics and culture. By the author of "What the Heck Are You Up To, Mr. President?
Distinguished by a practical focus on how federal administrative agencies make decisions and how political institutions influence and courts review those decisions, with coverage tailored to 1L or upper-level courses on the regulatory state or legislation and regulation. Uses primary source materials drawn from agency rules, adjudicatory orders, and guidance documents to show how lawyers engage agencies. Uses an accessible central example (auto safety) throughout to make the materials cohesive and accessible. Presents legislation with attention to modern developments in the legislative process. Presents statutory interpretation in useful terms, highlighting the “tools” that courts employ as well as the theories that judges and scholars have offered. New to the 4th Edition: Significant New Supreme Court decisions, with detailed Notes, on: textual statutory interpretation (Bostock v. Clayton County) the Major Questions Doctrine (West Virginia v. EPA) and the shifting Chevron framework arbitrary and capricious review (FCC v. Prometheus Radio Project) New Presidential and OIRA documents reshaping regulatory review, including: Executive Order on Modernizing Regulatory Review (Exec. Order 14094) Draft Revisions to Circular A-4 on Regulatory Analysis Updated coverage on scientific analysis in agency decision making New treatment of distributional analysis and consideration of equity in agency decision making Benefits for instructors and students: Tools-based approach that highlights the methods of analysis that agencies, courts, and lawyers utilize Use of an accessible central example as a familiar entry point into a complex legal area Primary source materials—agency documents, including notice-and-comment rules, adjudicatory orders, agency guidance, and more Empirical data, normative/theoretical questions, practical examples
Founded in 1788 along the Ohio River, Cincinnati was the major city in the Northwest Territory for several decades. As it has developed into its third century, Cincinnati's innovations, service, manufacturing, arts, and athletics mark it as a place with a vibrant and varied heritage. The contributions of interesting and unique personalities add to the city's dynamism: William Holmes McGuffey and his creation of a nation's textbooks; civil rights activists Ted Berry, Fred Shuttlesworth, and Marian Berry; iconic personalities like baseball star Pete Rose and silent film actress Theda Bara; grocery entrepreneur Barney Kroger; cooperative education creator Herman Schneider; polio vaccine pioneer Albert Sabin; Joseph Strauss, the design engineer of the Golden Gate Bridge; Paul Brown, one of the NFL's greatest coaches; Henry Heimlich, whose Heimlich maneuver has saved countless lives; and Benadryl inventor George Rieveschl. But it is also the philanthropists and business leaders; the cultural and political figures; the teachers and community workers; and even the intriguing characters and everyday citizens who make Cincinnati an interesting place on the map. This book tells their stories.
A bestselling historian and political commentator reconsiders McKinley's overshadowed legacy By any serious measurement, bestselling historian Kevin Phillips argues, William McKinley was a major American president. It was during his administration that the United States made its diplomatic and military debut as a world power. McKinley was one of eight presidents who, either in the White House or on the battlefield, stood as principals in successful wars, and he was among the six or seven to take office in what became recognized as a major realignment of the U.S. party system. Phillips, author of Wealth and Democracy and The Cousins' War, has long been fascinated with McKinley in the context of how the GOP began each of its cycles of power. He argues that McKinley's lackluster ratings have been sustained not by unjust biographers but by years of criticism about his personality, indirect methodologies, middle-class demeanor, and tactical inability to inspire the American public. In this powerful and persuasive biography, Phillips musters convincing evidence that McKinley's desire to heal, renew prosperity, and reunite the country qualify him for promotion into the ranks of the best chief executives.
This cultural history of Cincinnati explores how a love of books and reading transformed Ohio’s Queen City into a bibliophile’s paradise. Since its founding in 1788, Cincinnati has been home to lovers of books and reading. The early settlers swapped books with one another. By the early 1800s, civic leaders were envisioning the creation of a public library, and in 1814, the Circulating Library Society was founded. Other libraries followed, as did bookshops and stationers. These early social developments were followed by literary industries. Soon, printing and publishing made Cincinnati one of America’s centers for the book trade. Ault & Wiborg became one of the world’s largest manufacturers of printing ink, while the Strobridge Lithography Company produced the lion’s share of circus and show posters in the Western world. Author and rare book archivist Kevin Grace chronicles the centuries-long literary evolution of Cincinnati, a city that now boasts a thriving community of poets, playwrights, authors and booksellers.
This volume deals with the years of World War II and after. In the 1940s California changed from a regional centre into the dominant economic, social and cultural force it has been in America ever since.
“Let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution.” —Thomas Jefferson The United States Constitution—the bedrock of our country, the foundation of our federal republic—is . . . dead. You won’t hear that from the politicians who endlessly pay lip service to the Constitution. It’s the dirty little secret that bestselling authors Thomas E. Woods Jr. and Kevin R. C. Gutzman expose in this provocative new book. The fact is that government officials—Democrats and Republicans, presidents, judges, and congresses alike—long ago rejected the idea that the Constitution possesses a fixed meaning limiting the U.S. government’s power. In case you’ve forgotten, this idea was not a minor aspect of the Constitution; it was the document’s very purpose. Woods and Gutzman round up the suspects responsible for the death of the government the Founding Fathers designed. Going right to the scenes of the crimes, they dissect twelve of the most egregious assaults on the Constitution—some virtually unknown. In chronicling this “dirty dozen,” the authors show that the attacks began long before presidents declared preemptive wars, congresses built pork-barrel bridges to nowhere, and Supreme Court justices began to behave as our supreme legislators. In Who Killed the Constitution? Woods and Gutzman • REVEAL the federal government’s “great gold robbery”—the flagrant assault on the Constitution you never heard about in history class • DESTROY the phony case for presidential war power • EXPOSE how the federal government has actively discriminated to end . . . discrimination • TEAR DOWN the “wall of separation” between church and state—an invention that completely contradicts what the Constitution says • DARE to touch the “third rail of American jurisprudence,” Brown v. Board of Education—showing why a government decision that seems “right” isn’t necessarily constitutional Never shying away from controversy, Woods and Gutzman reveal an unsettling but unavoidable truth: now that the federal government has broken free of the Constitution’s chains, government officials are restrained by little more than their sense of what they can get away with. Who Killed the Constitution? is a rallying cry for Americans outraged by government run amok and a warning to take heed before we lose the liberties we are truly entitled to.
Nation-building efforts by the United States and the international community have led to both success and failure, overwhelming support and debilitating controversy. Some are motivated by national security interests; others by humanitarian concerns. They seem to have exploded since the end of the Cold War but in fact have long been used as a foreign policy tool. What they all have in common is a substantial investment of troops, treasure and time. There is no formula--each operation is unique, with lessons to be learned and trends noted. Examining the history of America's experience, this book describes the mechanisms behind what often appears to be a haphazard enterprise.
A “mordantly funny” novel set in a Dublin educational institution known as the Brothers of Godly Coercion School for Young Boys of Meager Means (Publishers Weekly). Combining the spirit of Kingsley Amis's Lucky Jim with a bawdy evisceration of hypocrisy in old-school Catholic education, The Brothers' Lot is a comic satire that tells the story of the Brothers of Godly Coercion School for Young Boys of Meager Means, a dilapidated Dickensian institution run by an assemblage of eccentric, insane, and often nasty celibate Brothers. The school is in decline and the Brothers hunger for a miracle to move their founder, the Venerable Saorseach O’Rahilly, along the path to Sainthood. When a possible miracle presents itself, the Brothers fervently seize on it with the help of the ethically pliant Diocesan Investigator, himself hungry for a miracle to boost his career. But the school simultaneously comes under threat from strange outside forces. The harder the Brothers try to defend the school, the worse things seem to get. It takes an outsider, Finbar Sullivan, a young student newly arrived at the school, to see that the source of the threat may in fact lie inside the school itself. As the miracle unravels, the Brothers’ efforts to preserve it unleash a disastrous chain of events. Tackling a serious subject through satire, The Brothers' Lot explores the culture that allowed abuses within church-run institutions in Ireland to go unchecked for decades. “Potently conveys the anarchic spirit of schoolboy warfare.”—The Irish Times “A memorable, skillfully wrought, and evocative satire of an Ireland that has collapsed under the weight of its contradictions.”—Joseph O’Connor “Witty, brilliant, devastating.”—Times Literary Supplement
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