Jimmy Reid's funeral in 2010 was attended by Gordon Brown the former Prime Minister, Alex Salmond the First Minister and other leading politicians. Eulogies were given by his friends Sir Alex Ferguson and Billy Connolly. Crowds lined the streets for the funeral cortege. The Daily Telegraph described Reid as the 'greatest MP Scotland never had' in its obituary. Yet to date there has been no biography of the man who was an iconic figure in Scotland and hugely popular both as a politician and then as a TV and media commentator. Written with the approval and input of his family and friends it provides an insight into the man and his life. MacAskill's biography describes Jimmy Reid's rich and varied life from his upbringing in Govan, a senior full time official for the Communist Party of Great Britain, as well as his role in the Upper Clyde Shipbuilder's work-in which ran for 16 months from June 1971 to October 1972. He was active in the trade union movement, and his political career took him from the CPGB to the Labour Party and eventually to the SNP and the cause of Scottish independence. The biography also covers his later career in the media as an acclaimed newspaper and magazine columnist and gifted television presenter. Underpinning the personal story is Scotland's changing political landscape, transforming a land of council housing and manufacturing industry to owner occupied and financial services.
The arrival of January 1919 sees Europe in turmoil, with revolution breaking out across the Continent. Glasgow's industrial community has been steeled by radicalism throughout the Great War, and as the spectre of mass unemployment and poverty threatens, a cadre of shop stewards, supported by political activists, is ready to strike for a forty-hour week. They face a state nervous of their strength and anxious about the wider consequences of their action, with the War Cabinet monitoring the situation closely. On 31 January, now known as Bloody Friday, tensions came to a head when 60,000 demonstrators clashed with police in George Square. The Scottish Bolshevik Revolution (so termed by the Secretary of State for Scotland) erupted, with tanks and 10,000 soldiers immediately despatched to the city to enforce order. The strike may have failed, but 1922 saw the arrival of Red Clydeside, as the Independent Labour Party swept the board in the general election. Now, 100 years on, Kenny MacAskill separates fact from fiction in this adept social history to explore how the events of that fateful day transpired and why their legacy still endures. Drawing on original material from speeches and newspaper reports of the time, MacAskill also paints a vivid picture of the solidarity amongst the working class in a rousing testimony to Glasgow's long radical history.
The Political Martyrs memorial in Edinburgh looms large on the city's skyline but its history is relatively unknown. And that is not by accident. As Edinburgh's New Town was constructed, a narrative of kilts and loyalty was created for Scotland, with its radical history deliberately excluded. The French Revolution lit a spark in Scotland, inspiring radicals and working people alike, and uniting them in opposition to the King and his government. The oligarchy of landowners that ran Scotland was worried. Leading radicals like Thomas Muir and fellow political reformists were later rounded up and transported to Botany Bay. But they fought back and formed the Society of the United Scotsmen, seeking widespread political reform throughout the Union and were prepared to use physical force in defence of their ideals. As social and economic hardship followed in Waterloo's wake, the flame of radicalism was further ignited. This is Scotland's radical history.
Choice Essential Read Did God create man or did man create God? In this book, Dianna Kenny examines religious belief through a variety of perspectives – psychoanalytic, cognitive, neuropsychological, sociological, historical and psychiatric – to provide a coherent account of why people might believe in God. She argues that psychoanalytic theory provides a fertile and creative approach to the study of religion that attempts to integrate religious belief with our innate human nature and developmental histories that have unfolded in the context of our socialization and cultural experiences. Freud argued that religion is so compelling because it solves the problems of our existence. It explains the origin of the universe, offers solace and protection from evil, and provides a blueprint about how we should live our lives, with just rewards for the righteous and due punishments for sinners and transgressors. Science, on the other hand, offers no such explanations about the universe or the meaning of our lives and no comfort for the unanswered longings of the human race. Is religion a form of wish-fulfilment, a collective delusion to which we cling as we try to fathom our place and purpose in the drama of cosmology? Can there be morality without faith? Are science and religion radically incompatible? What are the roots of fundamentalism and terror theology? These are some of the questions addressed in God, Freud and Religion, a book that will be of interest to psychoanalysts, psychologists and psychotherapists, students of psychology, psychoanalysis, philosophy and theology and all those with an interest in religion and human behaviour. Dianna Kenny is Professor of Psychology at the University of Sydney, Australia. She is the author of over 200 publications, including six books.
The Political Martyrs memorial in Edinburgh looms large on the city's skyline but its history is relatively unknown. And that is not by accident. As Edinburgh's New Town was constructed, a narrative of kilts and loyalty was created for Scotland, with its radical history deliberately excluded. The French Revolution lit a spark in Scotland, inspiring radicals and working people alike, and uniting them in opposition to the King and his government. The oligarchy of landowners that ran Scotland was worried. Leading radicals like Thomas Muir and fellow political reformists were later rounded up and transported to Botany Bay. But they fought back and formed the Society of the United Scotsmen, seeking widespread political reform throughout the Union and were prepared to use physical force in defence of their ideals. As social and economic hardship followed in Waterloo's wake, the flame of radicalism was further ignited. This is Scotland's radical history.
What do a member of the royal family, Olympic rowing champion, comedienne, retired construction worker, a job seeker, a parent, a prisoner and a vet have in common? They are among the many people who have shared their personal stories about what dyslexia means to them. Not every contributor is dyslexic but they have all been sufficiently affected by dyslexia to write their story. With a foreword by Formula 1 champion Sir Jackie Stewart OBE, this is a collection of over 100 moving, poignant, sad, shocking, funny, instructive and illuminating stories. They describe the powerful impact of dyslexia on individuals, families, relationships, professionals and support staff. They give a fascinating insight into how dyslexic people are treated in a wide range of different day to day settings, including job centres, adult literacy classes, education and workplaces. Dyslexia and Us was originally published by Edinburgh Libraries, demonstrating close partnership work with Dyslexia Scotland that has developed over a number of years.
The arrival of January 1919 sees Europe in turmoil, with revolution breaking out across the Continent. Glasgow's industrial community has been steeled by radicalism throughout the Great War, and as the spectre of mass unemployment and poverty threatens, a cadre of shop stewards, supported by political activists, is ready to strike for a forty-hour week. They face a state nervous of their strength and anxious about the wider consequences of their action, with the War Cabinet monitoring the situation closely. On 31 January, now known as Bloody Friday, tensions came to a head when 60,000 demonstrators clashed with police in George Square. The Scottish Bolshevik Revolution (so termed by the Secretary of State for Scotland) erupted, with tanks and 10,000 soldiers immediately despatched to the city to enforce order. The strike may have failed, but 1922 saw the arrival of Red Clydeside, as the Independent Labour Party swept the board in the general election. Now, 100 years on, Kenny MacAskill separates fact from fiction in this adept social history to explore how the events of that fateful day transpired and why their legacy still endures. Drawing on original material from speeches and newspaper reports of the time, MacAskill also paints a vivid picture of the solidarity amongst the working class in a rousing testimony to Glasgow's long radical history.
Jimmy Reid's funeral in 2010 was attended by Gordon Brown the former Prime Minister, Alex Salmond the First Minister and other leading politicians. Eulogies were given by his friends Sir Alex Ferguson and Billy Connolly. Crowds lined the streets for the funeral cortege. The Daily Telegraph described Reid as the 'greatest MP Scotland never had' in its obituary. Yet to date there has been no biography of the man who was an iconic figure in Scotland and hugely popular both as a politician and then as a TV and media commentator. Written with the approval and input of his family and friends it provides an insight into the man and his life. MacAskill's biography describes Jimmy Reid's rich and varied life from his upbringing in Govan, a senior full time official for the Communist Party of Great Britain, as well as his role in the Upper Clyde Shipbuilder's work-in which ran for 16 months from June 1971 to October 1972. He was active in the trade union movement, and his political career took him from the CPGB to the Labour Party and eventually to the SNP and the cause of Scottish independence. The biography also covers his later career in the media as an acclaimed newspaper and magazine columnist and gifted television presenter. Underpinning the personal story is Scotland's changing political landscape, transforming a land of council housing and manufacturing industry to owner occupied and financial services.
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