This book provides a broad and in-depth introduction to the geopolitical, economic and trade changes wrought with the increasing influence of the countries of the Global South in international affairs. Since the introduction of the United Nations General Assembly's New International Economic Order, the countries of the Global South, particularly China, India, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and Qatar, made an indelible impact upon the world's economic architecture.
The Arabian Gulf region has the most prodigious energy reserves in the world. As of 2012, it contained 489.4 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, approximately 36 percent of global supply. The latest figures for 2012 indicate that the region collectively produced 17.3 million barrels per day (m/bpd). With the advantage of enormous oil reserves and small, albeit growing, populations, the region exports the majority of its oil production. The region holds approximately 42 trillion cubic meters (TCM) of natural gas, about 23 percent of global natural gas reserves, but it only produces about 8 percent of the total global production. With the exception of Qatar, most Gulf countries consume the majority of their natural gas production. It is estimated that at current production rates, the official oil reserves will last another 70 years and natural gas reserves another 118 years. In terms of the UAE, it has approximately the seventh largest proven oil reserves in the world, at 97.8 billion barrels, which represents approximately 7 percent of the total global proven oil reserves. The majority of the oil reserves are located in Abu Dhabi (approximately 94 percent), while the other six emirates in aggregate contain just 6 percent of the UAE’s oil reserves, with Dubai having the second largest reserves at 4 billion barrels. This monograph focuses on the most efficacious methods for the UAE to buttress its oil production while reducing its oil and natural gas consumption. It recommends that the UAE create a tiered strategy of increasing oil output by utilizing alternative methods of enhanced oil recovery (EOR) that would not depend upon natural gas, such as CO2 EOR, nitrogen flooding and solar thermal EOR.
This study offers a vital reappraisal of the trade relationship between north-east Asia and the Gulf. Writing from a non-western standpoint, Dargin and Lim make a compelling case for how these regions became economically integrated in the wake of the 1973 oil crisis.
The Arabian Gulf region has the most prodigious energy reserves in the world. As of 2012, it contained 489.4 billion barrels of proven oil reserves, approximately 36 percent of global supply. The latest figures for 2012 indicate that the region collectively produced 17.3 million barrels per day (m/bpd). With the advantage of enormous oil reserves and small, albeit growing, populations, the region exports the majority of its oil production. The region holds approximately 42 trillion cubic meters (TCM) of natural gas, about 23 percent of global natural gas reserves, but it only produces about 8 percent of the total global production. With the exception of Qatar, most Gulf countries consume the majority of their natural gas production. It is estimated that at current production rates, the official oil reserves will last another 70 years and natural gas reserves another 118 years. In terms of the UAE, it has approximately the seventh largest proven oil reserves in the world, at 97.8 billion barrels, which represents approximately 7 percent of the total global proven oil reserves. The majority of the oil reserves are located in Abu Dhabi (approximately 94 percent), while the other six emirates in aggregate contain just 6 percent of the UAE’s oil reserves, with Dubai having the second largest reserves at 4 billion barrels. This monograph focuses on the most efficacious methods for the UAE to buttress its oil production while reducing its oil and natural gas consumption. It recommends that the UAE create a tiered strategy of increasing oil output by utilizing alternative methods of enhanced oil recovery (EOR) that would not depend upon natural gas, such as CO2 EOR, nitrogen flooding and solar thermal EOR.
DIVS - ISL, 3 (International Studies Library, 27) This book discusses the history of Arab integration attempts from the late Ottoman period to the creation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Although there is significant scholarship on the history of pan-Arab nationalism and the drive for disparate Arab nations to integrate, there is preciously little literature that seeks to understand the development of closer integration in the Gulf in the context of the long history amongst Arabs of the awareness that a common cultural and social nation exists that should politically and economically collaborate. This book reassesses the history of Arab integration, and argues convincingly, that while the more politically charged "unionist" attempts of Arab political integration may have failed, instead what we can anticipate, based on the illustration of the GCC, is deeper and closer economic, financial, political and social coordination amongst various Arab countries. Table of Contents Preface Introduction Part I: The Birth of the Arab Revolt Chapter 1: Early Stirrings: The Formation of Arab Nationalism Chapter 2: Heeding the Call: Christian and Muslim Arab Intellectuals Conceptualize the Arab Nation Chapter 3: The Birth of the Arab Resistance Chapter 4: Europe's Great Powers promote Independence from the Ottomans Chapter 5: Europe's Great Powers oppose the Arab quest for independence Chapter 6: Returning to the Fold- The Birth of Arab Ottoman Resistance Turkey deserts the "non progressive" Islamic/Arabic World Chapter 7: Germany's influence on Arab political thought Chapter 8: The British creation of the Gulf Status-quo Chapter 9: The German-Arab alliance confronts the Mandatory system Part II: A Region Aflame-Post War Integration Attempts Chapter 10: The New Arab Modernity Chapter 11: The Harbinger of Change: Arab Nationalism in the Gulf Chapter 12: Nasser and the Cold War Era Chapter 13: The Yemeni Gateway: Nasser's Proxy War with Saudi Arabia Chapter 14: The '67 War / The Egyptian "anti-hegemon" falters Chapter 15: Arab Authoritarianism and Economic Development Part III: The Gulf and Structural Arab Integration Chapter 16: A Requiem for Arabism: The GCC and Laying the Foundation for Gulf Arab Integration Chapter 17: The Evolving Geopolitical Environment: The Fall of Pan-Arabism and the Rise of the Shi'ite Lazarus Chapter 18: Towards a more perfect union: Creeping Gulf Integration Chapter 19: A New Security Paradigm? Chapter 20: Transportation Chapter 21: Economic Integration Epilogue: The End of Arab 'Isms' and the Death of Ideology About the Author Justin Dargin is a research fellow at the Dubai Initiative at Harvard University. He specializes in Middle Eastern geopolitics, the Gulf energy sector and the global energy market. He has published extensively on the Gulf and its energy and economic sectors, including, The Dophin Project: The Development of a Gulf Gas Initiative (OIES Press Jan. 2008). He completed his graduate studies at Georgetown University Law Center with distinction.
This study offers a vital reappraisal of the trade relationship between north-east Asia and the Gulf. Writing from a non-western standpoint, Dargin and Lim make a compelling case for how these regions became economically integrated in the wake of the 1973 oil crisis.
This book illustrates the historical trajectory of resource nationalism, spanning from its articulation as a legal system to extract resources in the Americas by imperial Spain to an anti-colonial platform developed to increase state control over the energy sector. In a fresh review of this contentious topic, Oil Fire provides a broad introduction to resource nationalism and considers whether the ideology has actually contributed to the economic growth and national development of energy-rich developing countries. Oil Fire is a timely piece that can be used as an advanced textbook for graduate students in international affairs, as well as for energy practitioners who want to expand their knowledge of this topic. General readers will also find the text relevant and applicable to an everyday understanding of the drivers of politics in energy-rich developing countries.
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