The labor movement is weak and divided. Some think that it is dying. But Julius Getman, a preeminent labor scholar, demonstrates through examination of recent developments that a resurgent labor movement is possible. He proposes new models for organizing and innovating techniques to strengthen the strike weapon. Above all, he insists that unions must return to their historical roots as a social movement.
I began this book to articulate my sense of disappointment and alienation from the status I had fought so hard to achieve." A remarkable admission from an alumnus of Harvard Law School who has held tenured professorships in the law schools of Yale and Stanford and has taught in the law schools of Harvard and Chicago. In this personal reflection on the status of higher education, Julius Getman probes the tensions between status and meaning, elitism and egalitarianism, that challenge the academy and academics today. He shows how higher education creates a shared intellectual community among people of varied races and classes—while simultaneously dividing people on the basis of education and status. In the course of his explorations, Getman touches on many of the most current issues in higher education today, including the conflict between teaching and research, challenges to academic freedom, the struggle over multiculturalism, and the impact of minority and feminist activism. Getman presents these issues through relevant, often humorous anecdotes, using his own and others' experiences in coping with the constantly changing academic landscape. Written from a liberal perspective, the book offers another side of the story told in such works as Allan Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind and Roger Kimball's Tenured Radicals.
Provides the first major effort to test the rules and regulations that underlie current practices in union elections and, at the same time, explores the role played by the National Labor Relations Board in regulating these elections. The book reports the findings of an empirical field study of thirty-one union representation elections involving over 1,000 employees to determine their pre-campaign attitudes, voting intent, actual vote, and the effect of the campaign on voting. It focuses on campaign issues, unlawful campaigning, working conditions, demographic factors, job-related variables, and other topics.
The battle between Big Pharma and scientific integrity Larger-than-life, creative, and fiercely ambitious, Dr. Charlie Bennett has a long history of revealing dangerous side effects of bestselling medicines. In 2006, his meta-analysis of existing data showed that top-selling ESAs (erythropoietin stimulating agents) created previously unrecognized risks, deaths, and serious illness. According to Dr. Steven Rosen, chief medical officer of the City of Hope Cancer treatment center, Bennett “saved more lives than anyone in American medicine.” Bennett’s work also created enemies: Bennett was accused, on the basis of flimsy evidence, of mishandling government grant money and violating the False Claims Act. Powerful interests within Big Pharma, academia, and law enforcement joined in the attack on Bennett. By 2010, he was forced from his academic position; was besieged by lawsuits; and became the victim of a coordinated, well-funded campaign to discredit him and refute his work. From pharma superstar to disgrace and disrepute in the blink of an eye. Taking On Big Pharma explores Bennett’s achievement and evaluates the charges against him. Exposed is the unsettling relationship between the pharmaceutical industry and academia. The result of more than five years of research and hundreds of hours of interviews with scientists, academicians, and federal prosecutors, this is an unflinching look at how institutions, purportedly devoted to public health and education, can be corrupted for profit—from drug sales or research grants.
This book tells the story of a strike by paperworkers against the Consolidated Paper Company. The strike comes about because the company, led by a new, anti-union CEO, decides to get rid of its union. The company, during collective bargaining, demands major concessions and dares the union to strike. The union is not prepared to battle the wealthy, powerful company, but its members, although frightened, vote to strike in order to protect their jobs and lifestyles. Early in the strike, the company hires strikebreakers to permanently replace the strikers. Before its new CEO was hired, Consolidated Paper Company and the Papermakers Union had cooperative relations. The chief architect of the old policy was Tom Gilligan, Director of Labor Relations, who had been with the company for more than 40 years. Gilligan loves Consolidated Paper. He has summarily turned down lucrative offers from rivals. Gilligan is outraged by the new policy and considers quitting. Overcoming feelings of guilt, he decides to stay on. When the strike begins, the company seems headed for a quick victory, but the union, aided by Don Foreman, an activist labor organizer and veteran of the Civil Rights movement, surprises everyone with its solidarity and strength. It wins over a hostile press and forges alliances with students, churches, and environmental groups. It also enlists the towns political authority on its behalf. Consolidated Paper Company finds itself under pressure from environmental, liberal, and labor groups. Media accounts extol the solidarity of the union. George Watts, the new CEO, becomes furious at the advisors who told him the strike would be easily won. He authorizes Gilligan to negotiate a compromise settlement with the union. After a week of bargaining, the parties are on the verge of a fair settlement. Back at the picket line, a fight erupts between strikers and security guards taking replacement workers into the mill. The confrontation begins with threats and rock throwing. It escalates to gunfire. Edith Kent, a pregnant replacement worker, a decent woman and a good worker, is killed. The fallout from the killing dooms the strike. The strikers are demoralized. The union loses support and is forced to give up the strike. The local district attorney resists political pressure to indict the locals leaders. He brings charges only against the killer and only for involuntary manslaughter. But the death of Edith Kent becomes a rallying cry for anti-union groups. As pressure for action builds, the politically ambitious U.S. Attorney indicts three union leaders, including the local union president, for conspiracy under the RICO statute. The U.S. Attorney is quite skillful and the trial is going badly for the defendants, especially when their expert, a Yale law professor, is shown to have no practical knowledge of strikes. In desperation, the union business leader calls Thomas Gilligan, who agrees to testify as a defense witness. His testimony costs him his position, but leads to the acquittal of the strikers. The ending is far from a happy one though, because the strike is lost, the community almost destroyed, and Gilligan gives up a job he loves. The story is told from a variety of perspectives, including Gilligans. The other individual stories include: 1. Jordan Marcon, a third-generation papermaker and born-again Christian. He is faced with ruin because of his wifes cancer. The union offers to give him special help, but he decides, after seeing a vision, that Jesus wants him to reclaim his job. He crosses the picket line and becomes a hated man in the community. 2. Travis Green, an African-American replacement worker. He is a good worker and a fair-minded man who seeks to better himself. He tries but cannot avoid becoming engulfed in the hatred brought on by the strike. 3. Bill Samson, local union president. He is a decent, tough man, not very intellectual or ideological. He realizes that in order to lead the strike success
The labor movement is weak and divided. Some think that it is dying. But Julius Getman, a preeminent labor scholar, demonstrates through examination of recent developments that a resurgent labor movement is possible. He proposes new models for organizing and innovating techniques to strengthen the strike weapon. Above all, he insists that unions must return to their historical roots as a social movement.
Labor unions and courts have rarely been allies. From their earliest efforts to organize, unions have been confronted with hostile judges and antiunion doctrines. In this book, Julius G. Getman argues that while the role of the Supreme Court has become more central in shaping labor law, its opinions betray a profound ignorance of labor relations along with a persisting bias against unions. In The Supreme Court on Unions, Getman critically examines the decisions of the nation’s highest court in those areas that are crucial to unions and the workers they represent: organizing, bargaining, strikes, and dispute resolution. As he discusses Supreme Court decisions dealing with unions and labor in a variety of different areas, Getman offers an interesting historical perspective to illuminate the ways in which the Court has been an influence in the failures of the labor movement. During more than sixty years that have seen the Supreme Court take a dominant role, both unions and the institution of collective bargaining have been substantially weakened. While it is difficult to measure the extent of the Court’s responsibility for the current weak state of organized labor and many other factors have, of course, contributed, it seems clear to Getman that the Supreme Court has played an important role in transforming the law and defeating policies that support the labor movement.
Labor unions and courts have rarely been allies. From their earliest efforts to organize, unions have been confronted with hostile judges and antiunion doctrines. In this book, Julius G. Getman argues that while the role of the Supreme Court has become more central in shaping labor law, its opinions betray a profound ignorance of labor relations along with a persisting bias against unions. In The Supreme Court on Unions, Getman critically examines the decisions of the nation's highest court in those areas that are crucial to unions and the workers they represent: organizing, bargaining, strikes, and dispute resolution.As he discusses Supreme Court decisions dealing with unions and labor in a variety of different areas, Getman offers an interesting historical perspective to illuminate the ways in which the Court has been an influence in the failures of the labor movement. During more than sixty years that have seen the Supreme Court take a dominant role, both unions and the institution of collective bargaining have been substantially weakened. While it is difficult to measure the extent of the Court’s responsibility for the current weak state of organized labor and many other factors have, of course, contributed, it seems clear to Getman that the Supreme Court has played an important role in transforming the law and defeating policies that support the labor movement.
International Paper, the richest paper company and largest landowner in the United States, enjoyed record profits and gave large bonuses to executives in 1987, that same year the company demanded that employees take a substantial paycut, sacrifice hundreds of jobs, and forego their Christmas holiday. At the Adroscoggin Mill in Jay, Maine, twelve hundred workers responded by going on strike from June 1987 to October 1988. Local union members mobilized an army of volunteers but International Paper brought in permanent replacement workers and the strike was ultimately lost. Julius G. Getman tells the story of that strike and its implications—a story of a community changing under pressure; of surprising leaders, strategists, and orators emerging; of lifelong friendships destroyed and new bonds forged. At a time when the role of organized labor is in transition, Getman suggests, this strike has particular significance. He documents the early negotiations, the battle for public opinion, the heroic efforts to maintain solidarity, and the local union's sense of betrayal by its national leadership. With exceptional richness in perspective, Getman includes the memories and informed speculations of union stalwarts, managers, and workers, including those who crossed the picket line, and shows the damage years later to the individuals, the community, and the mill. He demonstrates the law's bias, the company's undervaluing of employees, and the international union's excessive concern with internal politics.
This book is rousing proof that the spirit of an entire community can be revitalized by the fight for a worthy cause. The strike by the paperworkers in Jay, Maine, brought out extraordinary and untapped qualities of bravery, loyalty, and intelligence in working families and their allies. This book is a well-told story of betrayal and survival that has lessons for all Americans and their own communities".--Senator Edward M. Kennedy.
I began this book to articulate my sense of disappointment and alienation from the status I had fought so hard to achieve". A remarkable admission from an alumnus of Harvard Law School who has held tenured professorships in the law schools of Yale and Stanford and has taught in the law schools of Harvard and Chicago. In this personal reflection on the status of higher education, Julius Getman probes the tensions between status and meaning, elitism and egalitarianism, that challenge the academy and academics today. He shows how higher education creates a shared intellectual community among people of varied classes and races - while simultaneously dividing people on the basis of education and status. In the course of his explorations, Getman touches on many of the most current issues in higher education today, including the conflict between teaching and research, challenges to academic freedom, the struggle over multiculturalism, and the impact of minority and feminist activism. Getman presents these issues through relevant, often humorous anecdotes, using his own and others' experiences in coping with the constantly changing academic landscape. Written from a liberal perspective, the book offers another side of the story told in such recent works as Allan Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind and Roger Kimball's Tenured Radicals. It will be important reading for everyone concerned with the future of higher education, as well as for anyone considering an academic career.
For anyone who thinks that strikes are only about money, this book will be a real eye-opener. Set in a rural Maine town in the 1980s, Getman draws a memorable portrait of worker solidarity as a union of papermakers struggles to protect a way of life that previous generations had sacrificed to give them. Jack Getman tells the story of a strike from the inside, putting in human terms events that often are considered only from an economic or legal perspective. A natural psychologist, Getman's sharply-drawn depictions of the anxieties and uncertainties that beset his characters as they seek to deal with the forces of the new economy give his story a special poignancy and force. His sure-handed account also demonstrates how laws originally intended to protect workers have undermined their ability to act in concert. Thomas C. Kohler, Boston College Law School. Strike! takes the reader deep inside a community that both comes together and divides over a dramatic labor strike. We see strategizing and second-guessing, romance and resentment, solidarity and tragedy, all from the divergent perspectives of engaging and well-drawn characters. Cynthia Estlund, Professor of Law, New York University. Author of Working Together: How Workplace Bonds Strengthen a Diverse Democracy. Like most good works of fiction, Strike! is based on a deep factual understanding of its subject. Jack Getman puts human faces on often abstract and sterile discussions of the painful struggles to protect and promote workers' interests in a world dominated by corporations motivated by short-run profits. F. Ray Marshall, former Secretary of Labor, Carter administration, Professor Emeritus, the University of Texas Tom Wolfe's famous call for social realism in American novels has received little response. But now comes Strike!. Julius Getman, with his unique combination of local knowledge and storytelling gifts, brings the story to life with power, nuance and compassion. Mary Ann Glendon, Professor of Law, Harvard University
Provides the first major effort to test the rules and regulations that underlie current practices in union elections and, at the same time, explores the role played by the National Labor Relations Board in regulating these elections. The book reports the findings of an empirical field study of thirty-one union representation elections involving over 1,000 employees to determine their pre-campaign attitudes, voting intent, actual vote, and the effect of the campaign on voting. It focuses on campaign issues, unlawful campaigning, working conditions, demographic factors, job-related variables, and other topics.
The battle between Big Pharma and scientific integrity Larger-than-life, creative, and fiercely ambitious, Dr. Charlie Bennett has a long history of revealing dangerous side effects of bestselling medicines. In 2006, his meta-analysis of existing data showed that top-selling ESAs (erythropoietin stimulating agents) created previously unrecognized risks, deaths, and serious illness. According to Dr. Steven Rosen, chief medical officer of the City of Hope Cancer treatment center, Bennett “saved more lives than anyone in American medicine.” Bennett’s work also created enemies: Bennett was accused, on the basis of flimsy evidence, of mishandling government grant money and violating the False Claims Act. Powerful interests within Big Pharma, academia, and law enforcement joined in the attack on Bennett. By 2010, he was forced from his academic position; was besieged by lawsuits; and became the victim of a coordinated, well-funded campaign to discredit him and refute his work. From pharma superstar to disgrace and disrepute in the blink of an eye. Taking On Big Pharma explores Bennett’s achievement and evaluates the charges against him. Exposed is the unsettling relationship between the pharmaceutical industry and academia. The result of more than five years of research and hundreds of hours of interviews with scientists, academicians, and federal prosecutors, this is an unflinching look at how institutions, purportedly devoted to public health and education, can be corrupted for profit—from drug sales or research grants.
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