Shaykh Yusuf Yassin (18921962) marked the contemporary history of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in his capacity as a favorite advisor who was the founder monarchs confidential secretary, relentless envoy and chief foreign policy consultant. Born in Latakiyyah, Syria, Yassin earned the confidence of King Abdul Aziz bin Abdul Rahman Al Saud, and moved to Riyadh even before the Third Saudi Kingdom was inaugurated in 1932. After obtaining citizenship he participated in critical decisions reached by the ruler as regional and international actors honed in on the wealth of the Arabian Peninsula. Over the course of several decades Yusuf Yassin met with and negotiated on behalf of three monarchs, Abdul Aziz and his two successors, Saud and Faysal, with Arab and global leaders. He was present at the creation of the country and suggested that al-Saudiyyah be added to its very nameAl-Mamlakah al-Arabiyyah al-Saudiyyahwhich reflected his personality and political outlook as an Arab nationalist who cherished the founder. Joseph Kechichian has written the first political biography of the statesman, based on original documents [the Yassin Papers] as well as Western diplomatic correspondence. Kechichian provides insights into the Nationalist Al Saud Advisor who left his mark on Saudi Arabia. The volume provides essential background on a man who rose from humble origins in Syria to espouse Arabian values, and walks the reader through nearly five decades of Arab history, including the repercussions of the infamous 1916 SykesPicot Agreement, the creation of the League of Arab States, and various Arab crises. These events, experienced and engaged with by Shaykh Yusuf Yassin at the highest political and diplomatic levels, set the stage that empowered Saudi Arabia, along with other Arab States, with the wherewithal to succeed for their respective peoples.
The fractious relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia has long been a central concern in Washington. In the aftermath of 9/11 and amongst ongoing wars, the United States confronts an acute dilemma: how to cooperate with Riyadh against terrorism whilst confronting acute anti-Americanism? Using information gathered from extensive interviews with a plethora of officials, this book aims to analyze Saudi domestic reforms. It addresses the significant deficiency of information on such diverse matters as the judiciary and ongoing national dialogues, but also provides an alternative understanding of what motivates Saudi policy makers. How these reforms may impact on future Saudi decision-making will surely generate a slew of policy concerns for the United States and this study offers a few clarifications and solutions. This book will be of interest to anyone seeking a new perspective on the motivation behind legal and political reforms in Saudi Arabia, and the effects of these reforms beyond the Middle East.
After the conservative Arab Gulf Monarchies - Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) - joined forces on 25 May 1981 within the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), few fathomed that security requirements on and around the Arabian Peninsula would be so precarious and for so long. To answer their search for permanent stability, Arab Gulf rulers erected a regional alliance that sought to integrate internal and regional defences, as well as strengthen their existing socio-economic ties. Several of the monarchies even hoped that co-ordination on foreign policy issues over which near unanimity existed could, eventually, lead to a full-fledged union as envisaged in the organisation's founding charter. Between 1981 and 2015 these Arab Gulf monarchies experienced major socio-political transformations resulting from upheavals throughout the Arab and Muslim worlds. The perceived necessity to bring about a full-fledged union has come into conflict with entrenched viewpoints from regimes that value traditional military/political roles and norms. In this new study, Joseph A. Kechichian provides an evaluation of GCC States' military institutions to better evaluate whether a stable alliance is capable of enduring over the next few decades, and how civilian leaders perceive the role and influence of their military officers for the task. Kechichian raises fundamental questions over internal, regional and international threats, including an existential challenge emanating from the Islamic revolutionary government of Iran, and assesses how GCC professionals may be preparing to tackle them. He further elucidates on the best methods to meet security challenges not only to secure political survival but also to determine whether conservative Arab Gulf regimes can flourish outside an effective alliance. The volume concludes with an examination of evolving civil-military relations in the GCC States.
The fractious relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia has long been a central concern in Washington. In the aftermath of 9/11 and amongst ongoing wars, the United States confronts an acute dilemma: how to cooperate with Riyadh against terrorism whilst confronting acute anti-Americanism? Using information gathered from extensive interviews with a plethora of officials, this book aims to analyze Saudi domestic reforms. It addresses the significant deficiency of information on such diverse matters as the judiciary and ongoing national dialogues, but also provides an alternative understanding of what motivates Saudi policy makers. How these reforms may impact on future Saudi decision-making will surely generate a slew of policy concerns for the United States and this study offers a few clarifications and solutions. This book will be of interest to anyone seeking a new perspective on the motivation behind legal and political reforms in Saudi Arabia, and the effects of these reforms beyond the Middle East.
If there has been a gap in the knowledge of the GCC, this book now fills it. This volume presents the essential information schematically, with sound comment by the author, and includes a rich collection of documents.
At a time of profound regional and international transformations that extend beyond the political, Middle Easterners in general and Arabs in particular ponder their future, as well as how to best preserve and protect their interests and, equally important, their cultures. As non-Arabs interpret and opine about Arab civilization far more than indigenous thinkers, how can we understand what motivates scholars and opinion-makers, and how can Arab analysts highlight indigenous perspectives? What are the core factors that separate non-Arab scholars from their Arab counterparts? Can the perceptions of nearly 500 million individuals be mislabeled so frequently and so easily, and what ought to be done to repair the damage already done? Do Arab thinkers bear any responsibility for what may appear to be little more than a campaign to denigrate? To answer these questions, this paper first offers an overview of the dilemmas involved, then identifies and analyses two major concerns—censorship and translation matters—and finally focuses on the case of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to test the assertion that books authored by non-Arabs, many of whom shroud themselves in the cloak of authority but, in reality, harbor a sharp dislike, if not outright hatred, of Arabs, dominate over works written by Arabs. The paper closes with a few recommendations that call on Arab thinkers to overcome existing academic as well as journalistic prejudices.
After the conservative Arab Gulf Monarchies - Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) - joined forces on 25 May 1981 within the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), few fathomed that security requirements on and around the Arabian Peninsula would be so precarious and for so long. To answer their search for permanent stability, Arab Gulf rulers erected a regional alliance that sought to integrate internal and regional defences, as well as strengthen their existing socio-economic ties. Several of the monarchies even hoped that co-ordination on foreign policy issues over which near unanimity existed could, eventually, lead to a full-fledged union as envisaged in the organisation's founding charter. Between 1981 and 2015 these Arab Gulf monarchies experienced major socio-political transformations resulting from upheavals throughout the Arab and Muslim worlds. The perceived necessity to bring about a full-fledged union has come into conflict with entrenched viewpoints from regimes that value traditional military/political roles and norms. In this new study, Joseph A. Kechichian provides an evaluation of GCC States' military institutions to better evaluate whether a stable alliance is capable of enduring over the next few decades, and how civilian leaders perceive the role and influence of their military officers for the task. Kechichian raises fundamental questions over internal, regional and international threats, including an existential challenge emanating from the Islamic revolutionary government of Iran, and assesses how GCC professionals may be preparing to tackle them. He further elucidates on the best methods to meet security challenges not only to secure political survival but also to determine whether conservative Arab Gulf regimes can flourish outside an effective alliance. The volume concludes with an examination of evolving civil-military relations in the GCC States.
Qaboos bin Sa'id, Sultan of Oman from 1970 until his death in 2020, marked Omani history. He belonged to that very small circle of leaders who solemnized their time in power, transforming the Sultanate by empowering generations of citizens to lead constructive and fulfilling lives. Joseph Kéchichian provides a full assessment of the fourteenth Al Sa'id dynasty sovereign, setting out his vision for what was then a relatively isolated nation, championing the necessity for alliances, investing in people as well as the land, and founding key institutions that evolved over five decades. These achievements took time to materialize as Qaboos preserved Al Sa'id rule, governed wisely, avoided internal and external political entanglements, and passed the torch to his successor Haitham bin Tariq, who validated Al Sa'id authority upon becoming Sultan. A Sultanate that Endures is a companion volume to Oman and the World: The Emergence of an Independent Foreign Policy (RAND, 1995). It highlights Omani history, with a particular focus on the religious creed Ibadhiyyah that embraces tolerance and prevents injustice. The transition from a theocracy to a monarchy that established dynastic rule is discussed in the context of the Sultanate's millennial history, affirming its rulers' legitimacy and citizen acceptance. The author evaluates how Ibadhiyyah and its traditions formed the gist of the Sultanate's foreign policies, concentrating on ties with predominantly Muslim-inhabited countries, engagement with the African Continent, its links with the Arab Gulf region, and appraising Omani diplomacy with key Asian and Western countries. The study closes with a preliminary analysis of the transition to Sultan Haitham, evaluates his primary appointments, and reviews his declared priorities for the nation. Future domestic and foreign policy challenges that may confront Omanis concludes the volume.
The Obama administration’s record in the Middle East from 2008 to the present included several failed opportunities, although what stood above all else was the lack of urgency to tackle the Arab-Israeli peace process, still the enduring concern that galvanizes Arab opinion. With little hope for any prospects for a revival in the aftermath of a public row between Mr. Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, it seems that Obama opted to maintain a critical distance between his administration and perennial Middle Eastern concerns. Still, three specific issues are identified in this paper that, inter alia, highlight both existing challenges and fresh ones that emerged in the aftermath of the post-2001 wars in the Middle East and the post-2010 Arab uprisings. These are the Question of Palestine and Washington’s peace process efforts, Washington’s putative rapprochement with Iran, and the ongoing civil war in Syria. The paper discusses these issues, highlights the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s views, and provides an assessment of varying perceptions between Riyadh and Washington. It concludes with a brief evaluation of security conditions on the Arabian peninsula in the aftermath of Operation Decisive Storm, launched on March 25, 2015 against Houthi rebels in Yemen.
This book analyzes four main episodes of conflict and defense which have affected the region during the last three decades: the Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988), which effected the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) from a close, neighborly distance; the Iraq-Kuwait war (1990-1991), which constituted an attempt to invade the GCC and eliminate one of its member states, Kuwait. And the subsequent attempts to reestahblish a regional inter-state stability in the Gulf (during the mid-1990s, approximately), and the war of Islamic terrorism (notably al-Qa'ida) against Saudi Arabia (leading up to 2005). Each episode was driven by inimical interests and evolved as a distabilizintg influence on the Gulf states. At the same time, each conflict resulted in a paradoxical combination rivalry and cooperation among the GCC states themselves. A perpetual sequence of conflict and cooperation thus developed.
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