As a young lawyer practicing in Arizona, far from the political center of the country, William Hubbs Rehnquist's iconoclasm made him a darling of Goldwater Republicans. He was brash and articulate. Although he was unquestionably ambitious and extraordinarily self-confident, his journey to Washington required a mixture of good-old-boy connections and rank good fortune. An outsider and often lone dissenter on his arrival, Rehnquist outlasted the liberal vestiges of the Warren Court and the collegiate conservatism of the Burger Court, until in 1986 he became the most overtly political conservative to sit as chief justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Over that time Rehnquist's thinking pointedly did not -- indeed, could not -- evolve. Dogma trumped leadership. So, despite his intellectual gifts, Rehnquist left no body of law or opinions that define his tenure as chief justice or even seem likely to endure. Instead, Rehnquist bestowed a different legacy: he made it respectable to be an expedient conservative on the Court. The Supreme Court now is as deeply divided politically as the executive and legislative branches of our government, and for this Rehnquist must receive the credit or the blame. His successor as chief justice, John Roberts, is his natural heir. Under Roberts, who clerked for Rehnquist, the Court remains unrecognizable as an agent of social balance. Gone are the majorities that expanded the Bill of Rights. The Rehnquist Court, which lasted almost twenty years, was molded in his image. In thirty-three years on the Supreme Court, from 1972 until his death in 2005 at age 80, Rehnquist was at the center of the Court's dramatic political transformation. He was a partisan, waging a quiet, constant battle to imbue the Court with a deep conservatism favoring government power over individual rights. The story of how and why Rehnquist rose to power is as compelling as it is improbable. Rehnquist left behind no memoir, and there has never been a substantial biography of him: Rehnquist was an uncooperative subject, and during his lifetime he made an effort to ensure that journalists would have scant material to work with. John A. Jenkins has produced the first full biography of Rehnquist, exploring the roots of his political and judicial convictions and showing how a brilliantly instinctive jurist, who began his career on the Court believing he would only ever be an isolated voice of right-wing objection, created the ethos of the modern Supreme Court.
Foul Deeds in Islington takes the reader on a sinister journey through a selection of the most shocking and revealing murders committed in this part of north London during the last two centuries. Killers of all kinds are recorded here, from the coolest and most calculating of criminals to ill-starred individuals who struck out in passion or despair or anger. John Eddleston recounts their notorious stories in forensic detail. Police-killers Thomas Cooper and Ronald Marwood feature in his book, along with the child-killer Celestika Somner, the poisoner George Chapman, the witchcraft-murderer Kayode Orishagbemi and, of course, most famous of all, Kenneth Halliwell who killed playwright Joe Orton in their flat in Noel Road. In addition to these celebrated cases, several less well-known but equally compelling murders are reconstructed. They give a shocking insight into the dark side of Islington s recent, sometimes gruesome, history.
From a parish workhouse to the heart of the industrial revolution, from debtors' jail to Cambridge University and a prestigious London church, Robert Blincoe's political, personal and turbulent story illuminates the Dickensian age like never before. In 1792 as revolution, riot and sedition spread across Europe, Robert Blincoe was born in the calm of rural St Pancras parish. At four he was abandoned to a workhouse, never to see his family again. At seven, he was sent 200 miles north to work in one of the cotton mills of the dawning industrial age. He suffered years of unrelenting abuse, a life dictated by the inhuman rhythm of machines. Like Dickens' most famous character, Blincoe rebelled after years of servitude. He fought back against the mill owners, earning beatings but gaining self-respect. He joined the campaign to protect children, gave evidence to a Royal Commission into factory conditions and worked with extraordinary tenacity to keep his own children from the factories. His life was immortalised in one of the most remarkable biographies ever written, A Memoir of Robert Blincoe. Renowned popular historian John Waller tells the true story of a parish boy's progress with passion and in enthralling detail.
The legacy of Oliver Cromwell is still haunts the Irish imagination. His alleged directive to the Catholic Irish to get ""to Hell or Connaught,"" and the policy that drove it, permanently altered the ownership of Irish soil.The Parliamentary forces' civil war against Charles I were enmeshed in a ruthless campaign against popery and the Catholic perpetrators of the assault on the Protestant colonists of 1641. The legacy of sectarianism has marred Irish politics to this day. Prendergast's research reveals his keen eye for evidence. His dismissal of the colonists' claims about the nature of the uprising of 1641 and his attitudes to race are contested, but he was a man of his times. More significantly his prejudices did not blind him and he lets his sources speak for themselves, while his analytical mind identifies the underlying economic motivation and forces behind the apparently civilising religious mission driving the settlement.
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