Canada, Australia and New Zealand inherited and adapted a monarchical framework of government, even in the absence of a resident monarch. Although steady transfer of the royal prerogative to a popularly elected executive has enabled these three former dominions to be sometimes described as "crowned republics" or "disguised republics", there was no popular drive to abandon monarchy until the 1990s, and even then the republican cause was based largely on issues of symbolism and national identity than on perceived core weaknesses in the political system. This book traces the long and sometimes subtle process of localising monarchy in the vice-regal office from the mid-twentieth century onwards, and compares the powers and functions of the Queen's surrogates with each other and with those of the monarch herself, including their recourse to the so-called "reserve powers". Among the key questions posed in this comparative study are: Can the current monarchical system be refined to the point of countering republican sentiment? Why has the republican argument gained more momentum in Australia than in Canada or New Zealand? Can a republican model retain residual monarchic elements? What is likely to be the lasting legacy of the Crown in these three strikingly similar political cultures? The author's underlying loyalties are neither firmly monarchist nor firmly republican. He is convinced, however, that the combined effects of a strong sense of national identity and an increasingly presidential style of political leadership within these three Westminster-derived systems make it difficult for contemporary governors-general (or their state and provincial colleagues)to fulfil two of their key roles-to unite and inspire the people on the one hand and to be a credible constitutional watchdog on the other.
The world and its people are facing serious local and global challenges. Climate change, economic instability, limits to free speech, threats to independent media reporting, and increasing social inequality all signal the breakdown of democratic systems across the world. Our political institutions and leaders are failing us with increasingly conservative policies that favour big business. Far-right political movements gain ascendency and move whole nations towards fascism while American hostility to China threatens global security and economic prosperity. Yet we learn and grow most when we are challenged by difference and adversity: when we are out of our comfort zones. Such experiences offer turning points for change. I’ve had many such turning points throughout my career and have become more radical as I've grown older. In 1999 I published my autobiography, Things You Learn Along the Way. This new collection continues with personal accounts and my views on issues that remain of concern to me. It comprises posts I wrote for Pearls and Irritations along with several speeches, interviews and articles I’ve written over the past 14 years. I hope these accounts continue to prompt readers to think, question and act for a more just Australia and world.
I changed a lot over sixty years, but I never lost the dissenter tradition that I learned in my first fifteen years in the Methodist manse. I worked for Rupert Murdoch and saw how seductive power is. Later, as head of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet in Canberra, I had the bizarre experience of working for Gough Whitlam in the morning of 11 November 1975 and, in the afternoon, for Malcolm Fraser after John Kerr dismissed the Whitlam Government. The anger of what happened on that fateful day is still with me. Working with Malcolm Fraser, however, proved liberating. I realised that while being an outsider was uncomfortable, it was manageable. It was as Australian Ambassador in Japan in the late 1970s that I learned most about Australia and myself. As head of the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs ( 1981-83 ), I had the most job of my life, being involved in nation-building and playing my part in ending White Australia. As CEO at Qantas ( 1986-89 ), I experienced the difficulties of dealing with a board and a Government with agendas that weren't the same as mine - and the pressure to conform. All institutions, like people, are in need of radical daily reform. Without dissenters, institutions die. In that respect I became more radical as I grew older. I now believe that the one thing above all else I've learned is that we need relationships and community if our lives are to be complete.
Throughout his distinguished career as a journalist and film-maker, John Pilger has looked behind the 'official' versions of events to report the real stories of our time. The centrepiece of this new, expanded edition of his bestselling Distant Voices is Pilger's reporting from East Timor, which he entered secretly in 1993 and where a third of the population has died as a result of Indonesia's genocidal policies. This edition also contains more new material as well as all the original essays - from the myth-making of the Gulf War to the surreal pleasures of Disneyland. Breaking through the consensual silence, Pilger pays tribute to those dissenting voices we are seldom permitted to hear.
Based on research carried out under Labour governments throughout the 1990s in Western Australia, the authors consider the social, political and economic conditions under which policy is formulated, understood and enacted. They look at how the state structure affects the content and nature of policy statements and provide an outline of the history of policy developments and point to future possibilities and probabilities. Outcomes within funding ceilings, accountability frameworks and national guidelines are but some of the changes referred to. The emergence of competency-based standards in education and training in schools, workplaces and the professions is evident throughout Australia at state level, but the concern is whether issues of education should be played out within the state and outside civil society. The authors argue for the mediation in implementation of policy - rather than a lambasting of policy formulation and implementation. This text is intended for heads of education departments, PGCE, BEd. MEd. students and researchers interested in education policy and planning. Education policymakers, and educational historians.
How do Australian governments budget? How well do they spend and manage our money? Governments seem to be locked in a constant struggle with the problems of budgeting. Cabinet never has enough resources to go around, and while some agencies 'guard' public expenditure, others find endless ways to make new claims on budgets. Managing Public Expenditure in Australia provides the first systematic analysis of government budgeting and the politics of the budgetary process. Drawing on extensive original sources, the authors examine debates and reforms in public finance from Whitlam and Fraser to Hawke, Keating and Howard, and assess their impacts on policy development. In tracking the way governments actually spend money, Managing Public Expenditure in Australia provides an alternate and complementary political history of federal government over the past forty years. This book also includes accessible discussions on topics such as budget theory, financial management in government, and debt and deficit reduction. An explanation of new resource management techniques and initiatives help to illuminate the ongoing changes to budget and expenditure management practices. This is an essential purchase for students, teachers and practitioners of public finance, and for anyone involved in the continuing debate over the nature and role of the public sector.
This book examines both the rhetorical content of contemporary public leadership and the leadership methods pioneered by early English statesman Sir Francis Bacon. In particular, it considers the use of public rhetoric to defend leadership legitimacy in six case studies, drawing on leadership contests in recent Australian political history. The authors map out the complex language of leadership in contemporary politics through chapter-length portraits of the inter-related political rhetoric of prime ministers Rudd, Gillard, Abbott and Turnbull, plus former foreign minister Bob Carr and indigenous leader Noel Pearson. The process is a novel application of leadership analysis derived from the political philosophy of Francis Bacon, who emerges as a founder of the study, and indeed practice, of political and public leadership. The book will appeal to students and scholars across the fields of political science, communication and rhetorical studies, and political history.
In the second Quarterly Essay, John Birmingham takes apart the folly of twenty-five years of Australian policy on East Timor. How did Gough Whitlam and Richard Woolcott in 1975 saddle this country with a policy that was bound to lead to the intervention of 1999? Why were shrewder voices ignored and why did we persist with an unworkable model? Where does this leave us with an Indonesia still dominated by the old power elites? And what was the tragedy like for the people of East Timor? John Birmingham has written a passionate narrative history of the East Timor question which never turns away from the slaughter and sorrow of the people who suffered it. "Appeasing Jakarta is an analysis of what happened in 1975 when we condoned Indonesia's intervention and what happened in 1999 when we stood against it ...John Birmingham is deadly in his disdain for the way a defunct paradigm...was clung to like a dogma...but [this] is also an essay about the human cost...written in flowing colours with a strong narrative streak and a swashbuckling power of dispatch..." —Peter Craven, Introduction "It was a policy of wilful blindness, made possible only because we were always somewhere else when the trigger was pulled." —John Birmingham, Appeasing Jakarta
Australian Political Institutions 10e introduces students to the structure and organisation of the institutions and functions of government in Australia, with reference to contemporary issues and debates. A lot has changed in recent times in the Australian political environment. Finally there is a text that incorporates all these important changes. As an introduction to the principles of political science the text provides an analysis of key issues in the Australian political system in a clear and concise manner. This new tenth edition retains its core focus on the Australian political system but also includes expanded comparative analysis of the similarities and differences in the structure and operation of political institutions in other countries which students can use to consider the strengths and weaknesses of the Australian political system and whether it could be improved.
Government and Politics in Australia 10e is the comprehensive and scholarly political science text that provides thorough and accessible content written by authorities in the field. Now in its 10th edition, Government and Politics in Australia continues to provide students with a research-based, in-depth contemporary introduction to the Australian political system. A strengthened focus on government and politics ensures that this classic text remains the most comprehensive and authoritative guide to the structure and institutions of Australian government, as well as political parties, representation, interest groups and the role of the media in Australian politics. The 10th edition has been thoroughly revised and updated by experts in the field led by a new editor team and includes a completely new chapter on Australia in the world.
Rupert Murdoch - ruthless visionary, empire builder and business genius. He has created a global media network which has made him one of the most powerful and influential figures in the world. So potent was the force of his empire that he was even on first-name terms with presidents and prime ministers - superpowers were only a telephone call away. But just recently, rather than controlling the news, Murdoch has instead become the front-page story as the world had been gripped by the unfolding drama of the News International phone hacking scandal.
In Beyond Belief, John Button looks at what has gone wrong with the Labor Party. What has happened to the faith of the True Believers and why is the ALP so bad at recruiting new members? He offers a tough-minded analysis of what went wrong in the last election and asks why the Labor Party has turned its back on its destiny as a party of reform. Here is a very cool account of the factions which seem to stand for nothing but their own power bases, and the unions who both give and get little from the ALP. In a withering analysis, John Button looks at the quality of Labor members and the short-sightedness of a party turning its back on ideas. This is an essay by a man who still believes in Chifley's light on the hill but who thinks the only hope lies with New Believers. 'Beyond Belief represents one of the coolest and most disheartening accounts of a great political party this country has seen. This is the Australian Labor Party seen from the perspective of an elder statesman who has an absolute belief ... in the moral superiority of the Labor cause but who seriously doubts whether the ALP will ever achieve government again and who distinctly implies that in its present state it is not fit for it.' -Peter Craven, Introduction 'After the election debacle some people blamed the Tampa and September 11. But the simple fact is that the ALP had not built an adequate policy profile or built up sufficient enthusiasm and respect for its style of politics. Without these, it had no hope of differentiating its position on refugees and asylum seekers from the government's when this became the key issue of the election.' -John Button, Beyond Belief This issue also contains correspondence discussing Quarterly Essay 5, Girt by Sea, from Alison Broinowski, Gerard Henderson, John Hirst, Philip Ruddock, Angela Shanahan, Robyn Spencer, and Mungo MacCallum.
Financial Accounting: A practical approach introduces the principles of financial accounting using straight-forward language and clear design, making this often complex subject easier to understand.
Revised and updated version of the bestselling political biography of 2010. This edition contains some completely new content from Mr Howard, including his thoughts on the 2013 election campaigns. John Howard's autobiography, Lazarus Rising, is the biggest-selling political memoir Australia has seen. In it he talks about his love for his family, his rollercoaster ride to the Lodge and how - as prime minister - he managed a strongly growing Australian economy and led Australia's war on terrorism. Drawing on his deep interest in history, he paints a fascinating picture of a changing Australia. In this edition, fully updated to take into account the return of the Liberal National Party to government after the 2013 election, Howard analyses the crucial years between the 2010 election which gave rise to the minority government of Julia Gillard, and the consequent unprecedented and destabilising leadership struggles within the Labor party. He discusses the significance of tony Abbott's achievements in defeating the Labor Government in 2013, and provides a masterful summary of legacy of the Rudd/Gillard years for Australia. Lazarus Rising is essential reading for all followers of politics. PRAISE FOR LAZARUS RISING: 'John Howard has written a magisterial autobiography, compulsively readable in its way' the Weekend Australian 'Underneath Howard's plain political style lies an excellent communicator. His capacity to express his thoughts clearly, calmly and simply shines through' Sydney Morning Herald
How did fears of the Cold War shape Australian images of Asia? What was the nature of the Vietnamese revolution, which some 50 000 Australian troops failed to reverse in the 1960s? How did a small and marginal peace movement grow into the powerful Moratorium and did it have any impact on the course of the War? Harvest of Fear is a beautifully craf
The fourth in a series that documents architectural conservation in different parts of the world, Architectural Conservation in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands: National Experiences and Practice addresses cultural heritage protection in a region which comprises one third of the Earth’s surface. In response to local needs, Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Islands have developed some of the most important and influential techniques, legislation, doctrine and theories in cultural heritage management in the world. The evolution of the heritage protection ethos and contemporary architectural conservation practices in Australia and Oceania are discussed on a national and regional basis using ample illustrations and examples. Accomplishments in architectural conservation are discussed in their national and international contexts, with an emphasis on original developments (solutions) and contributions made to the overall field. Enriched with essays contributed from fifty-nine specialists and thought leaders in the field, this book contains an extraordinary breadth and depth of research and synthesis on the why’s and how’s of cultural heritage conservation. Its holistic approach provides an essential resource and reference for students, academics, researchers, policy makers, practitioners and all who are interested in conserving the built environment.
Policymakers around the world have increasingly agreed that macroeconomic discipline, microeconomic liberalization, and outward orientation are prerequisites for economic success. But what are the political conditions that make economic transformation possible? At a conference held at the Institute for International Economics, leaders of economic reform recounted their efforts to bring about change and discussed the impact of the political climate on the success of their efforts. In this book, these leaders explore the political conditions conducive to the success of policy reforms. Did economic crisis strengthen the hands of the reformers? Was the rapidity with which reforms were instituted crucial? Did the reformers have a "honeymoon" period in which to transform the economy? The authors answer these and other questions, as well as providing first-hand accounts of the politically charged atmosphere surrounding reform efforts in their countries.
Is there a geographical centre of Islam? What was Australia’s political crisis in 1975? Are swinging seats found in a playground or in Australian politics? And why is gravity so heavy, man? John Marsden, Australia’s bestselling writer for teenagers, turns his attention to the inside of the human brain and answers these and other vital questions. From Germaine Greer’s politics and the belief systems of Buddhists and Christians to what Harry said when he met Sally and other movie moments that have become myths, The Head Book is an entertaining collection of bite-sized pieces of vital information, wit and wisdom, and interesting and useful facts.
This is the story of David Brill, one of the very best of Australian cameramen - past and present. He is in the same company as Damien Parer and Neil Davis. Over the past forty years he has covered wars and disasters all over the world. He filmed the fall of Saigon. He was in Moscow during the collapse of communism. He has covered countless other conflicts and natural disasters in Asia, Africa and North and South America. He has been single-mindedly dedicated to the pursuit of his craft: to get the story, get the film - always to preserve and present the human dimension, no matter how large or mindless the conflict or event. David Brill has paid a high price for this uncompromising style. He has two failed marriages, and at times has been overcome by demons such as alcohol. This biography is also a great adventure story, a journey through war zones and various hell holes of the world. And it is an inside look at what makes some people follow a profession where their life is on the line - as a standard feature of their day.
This book offers a new approach to the extraordinary story of Timor-Leste. The Indonesian invasion of the former Portuguese colony in 1975 was widely considered to have permanently crushed the Timorese independence movement. Initial international condemnation of the invasion was quickly replaced by widespread acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty. But inside Timor-Leste various resistance networks maintained their struggle, against all odds. Twenty-four years later, the Timorese were allowed to choose their political future and the new country of Timor-Leste came into being in 2002. This book presents freedom in Timor-Leste as an accomplishment of networked governance, arguing that weak networks are capable of controlling strong tyrannies. Yet, as events in Timor-Leste since independence show, the nodes of networks of freedom can themselves become nodes of tyranny. The authors argue that constant renewal of liberation networks is critical for peace with justice - feminist networks for the liberation of women, preventive diplomacy networks for liberation of victims of war, village development networks, civil society networks. Constant renewal of the separation of powers is also necessary. A case is made for a different way of seeing the separation of powers as constitutive of the republican ideal of freedom as non-domination. The book is also a critique of realism as a theory of international affairs and of the limits of reforming tyranny through the centralised agency of a state sovereign. Reversal of Indonesia's 1975 invasion of Timor-Leste was an implausible accomplishment. Among the things that achieved it was principled engagement with Indonesia and its democracy movement by the Timor resistance. Unprincipled engagement by Australia and the United States in particular allowed the 1975 invasion to occur. The book argues that when the international community regulates tyranny responsively, with principled engagement, there is hope for a domestic politics of nonviolent transformation for freedom and justice.
The definitive history of GCHQ, one of the world's most tight-lipped intelligence agencies, written with unprecedented access to classified archives. For a hundred years GCHQ – Government Communications Headquarters – has been at the forefront of British secret statecraft. Born out of the need to support military operations in the First World War, and fought over ever since, today it is the UK's biggest intelligence, security and cyber agency and a powerful tool of the British state. Famed primarily for its codebreaking achievements at Bletchley Park against Enigma ciphers in the Second World War, GCHQ has intercepted, interpreted and disrupted the information networks of Britain's foes for a century, and yet it remains the least known and understood of British intelligence services. It has been one of the most open-minded, too: GCHQ has always demanded a diversity of intellectual firepower, finding it in places which strike us as ground-breaking today, and allying it to the efforts of ordinary men and women to achieve extraordinary insights in war, diplomacy and peace. GCHQ shapes British decision-making more than any other intelligence organisation and, along with its partners in the Five Eyes intelligence partnership-including the United States' National Security Agency-has become ever more crucial in an age governed by information technology. Based on unprecedented access to documents in GCHQ's archive, many of them hitherto classified, this is the first book to authoritatively explain the entire history of one of the world's most potent intelligence agencies. Many major contemporary conflicts-between Russia and the West, between Arab nations and Israel, between state security and terrorism-become fully explicable only in the light of the secret intelligence record. Written by one of the world's leading experts in intelligence and strategy, Behind the Enigma reveals the fascinating truth behind this most remarkable and enigmatic of organisations.
Expanded and Updated Because Weird Things Keep On Happening The effects of the Invisible Hand are all around us, machinations to control the world are happening right under our noses-and The 80 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time lists them all. This book presents a feverish feast of the most far-reaching, far-out, and startling conspiracy theories ever. Now this instant classic has been brought up to date with late-breaking mysteries and coverups, including: * Enron-a faked energy crisis that led to a devastatingly real economic one * Anthrax nation-just who sent lethal bacteria through the mail to the U.S. Congress? * Votescam 2000 * 911 and the theories surrounding the terrorist attacks * Echelon, the global electronic spying network-Big Brother made real * Who was the Zodiac Killer? * And more! Whether you believe any of these theories or merely enjoy a walk on the wild side of alternative history, The 80 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time will provide hours of provocative reading. You will never look at the world in quite the same way again.
Following a bloody civil war, peace consolidated slowly and sequentially in Bougainville. That sequence was of both a top-down architecture of credible commitment in a formal peace process and layer upon layer of bottom-up reconciliation. Reconciliation was based on indigenous traditions of peacemaking. It also drew on Christian traditions of reconciliation, on training in restorative justice principles and on innovation in womens’ peacebuilding. Peacekeepers opened safe spaces for reconciliation, but it was locals who shaped and owned the peace. There is much to learn from this distinctively indigenous peace architecture. It is a far cry from the norms of a ‘liberal peace’ or a ‘realist peace’. The authors describe it as a hybrid ‘restorative peace’ in which ‘mothers of the land’ and then male combatants linked arms in creative ways. A danger to Bougainville’s peace is weakness of international commitment to honour the result of a forthcoming independence referendum that is one central plank of the peace deal.
The vast array of CIA black "ops" (operations) has turned the agency into a policy maker dangerously independent of the government that created it. This is an unprecedented declassification of foreign exploits and domestic secrets.
In this major account of Japan's relationship with America since the Second World War, the author breaks new ground in linking Japan's foreign policy with the arena of domestic politics. The changing balance between a pro-American and anti-American groups was a decisive factor and Professor Welfield provides a lucid analysis of this complex scene. First published in 1988, this title is part of the Bloomsbury Academic Collections series.
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