Essential features of the recommendations are to (1) replace licensing of low-risk individual transactions with programmatic approvals; (2) establish timelines for decisions on those items that still require licenses; (3) streamline the munitions list through annual reviews; and (4) harmonize national and multilateral lists to eliminate jurisdictional disputes.
Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since September 11, 2001, the United States has faced daunting challenges in the areas of foreign policy and national security. Threatened by failing states, insurgencies, civil wars, and terrorism, the nation has been compelled to re-evaluate its traditional responses to global conflict. In this timely book, John T. Fishel and Max G. Manwaring present a much-needed strategy for conducting unconventional warfare in an increasingly violent world. In the early 1990s, Manwaring introduced a new paradigm for addressing low-intensity conflicts, or conflicts other than major wars. Termed the Manwaring Paradigm or SWORD (Small Wars Operations Research Directorate) model, it has been tested successfully by scholars and practitioners and refined in the wake of new and significant “uncomfortable wars” around the world, most notably the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq. Uncomfortable Wars Revisited broadens the definition of the original paradigm and applies it to specific confrontations
The United States has been deeply involved in the Middle East for more than a half century and seized with China's role in the world for a similar period of time. Up to now, the two issues have remained distinct. Increasingly, China's growing thirst for energy has brought it to the Middle East, where governments are curious how the growing superpower might fit into their own strategic understanding of the world. China's increasing role in the Middle East comes at a time when the United States is itself deeply enmeshed in the region, setting up the possibility of competition or even conflict between the two great powers. This volume explores the complex interrelationships among China, the United States, and the Middle East-what the authors call the "vital triangle." There is surely much to be gained from continuing the conventional two-dimensional analysis-China and the United States, the United States and the Middle East, and China and the Middle East. Such scholarship has a long history and no doubt a long future. But it is the three-dimensional equation-which seeks to understand the effects of the China-Middle East relationship on the United States, the U.S.-Middle East relationship on China, and the Sino-American relationship on the Middle East-that draws the authors' attention here. This approach captures the true dynamics of change in world affairs and the spiraling up and down of national interests. Central to this analysis is a belief that if any one of the three sides of this triangular relationship is unhappy, it has the power to make the other two unhappy as well. The stakes and the intimacy of the interrelationship highlight not only the importance of reaching accommodation, but also the potential payoff of agreement on common purpose.
Agricultural biotechnology holds great promise in contributing to Africa’s socioeconomic development. This is confirmed by a growing body of literature analyzing the positive economic effects at the farm level, and also for a growing number of farmers in Africa. However, with the exception of Burkina Faso, Egypt, and South Africa, the African countries have been slow adopters of biotechnology crops for cultivation. Trade concerns are often cited in sub-Saharan Africa as a reason for taking a precautionary approach to genetically modified (GM) crop adoption, which may result in forgone benefits for farmers and society at large and have a negative impact on a country’s food security situation. This study aims to evaluate the barriers that the adoption of GM crops by the East African countries poses for their trade with neighboring countries, with their other trade partners in Africa, and with their international trade partners. It is based on a literature review of recent studies analyzing the actual and potential trade implications of adopting GM crops, with a particular focus on the East African countries. This literature review is complemented by an analysis of recent agricultural trade statistics. In addition, the perspectives of key stakeholders and policymakers in East Africa have been included vis-à-vis the trade implications of adopting GM crops.
This report was produced by the CSIS Nuclear Consensus Working Group (NCWG) to assist the Obama administration in forging, during its second term, an enduring consensus about the U.S. nuclear posture. The report includes (1) seven individual statements from nuclear thinkers and practitioners across the “broad middle” of the spectrum of opinion on the role and value of U.S. nuclear weapons, the U.S. nuclear posture needed for this defined role, and a political strategy for sustaining the recommended posture; (2) a consensus statement signed by eight members of the NCWG; (3) A description of the process used by the NCWG to forge the signed statement, which includes the lessons learned from the facilitation process; and (4) A case study covering 2008-2012, which provides both a chronology of past attempts to broker consensus about the U.S. nuclear posture and the working group’s assessment of the lessons learned.
Strategy, at its best, knits together ends and means, no matter how various and disparate, into a cohesive pattern. In the case of a U.S. information strategy, this requires balancing the need to guard and secure access to many informational capabilities and resources, with the opportunity to achieve national aims by fostering as much openness as practicable. The authors' term to represent such strategic balancing is guarded openness. They go on to describe noopolitik (nu-oh-poh-li-teek)--an emerging form of statecraft that emphasizes the importance of sharing ideas and values globally, principally through the exercise of persuasive soft power rather than traditional military hard power. This study discusses the opportunities that may be raised by the emergence of noopolitik--ranging from construction of a noosphere (a globe-spanning realm of the mind) to recommendations that, for example, the U.S. military should begin to develop its own noosphere (among and between the services, as well as with U.S. allies). In the area of international cooperation, the authors offer strategic approaches for improving the capacity of state and nonstate actors to work together to address transnational problems. In addition, the authors recommend specific doctrinal developments, implied by the emergence of information strategy--including the pressing need to deal with such ethical concerns as the first use of information weapons, concepts of proportional response, and the need to maintain the immunity of noncombatants. Ultimately, the authors call for an innovative turn of mind as policymakers and strategists rethink how best to adapt to the epochal transformations being wrought by the information revolution.
Homeland security encompasses five distinct missions: domestic preparednessand civil support in case of attacks on civilians, continuity of government, continuity ofmilitary operations, border and coastal defense, and national missile defense. This reportextensively details four of those mission areas (national missile defense having beencovered in great detail elsewhere). The authors define homeland security and its missionareas, provide a methodology for assessing homeland security response options, and reviewrelevant trend data for each mission area. They also assess the adequacy of the doctrine,organizations, training, leadership, materiel, and soldier systems and provide illustrativescenarios to help clarify Army planning priorities. The report concludes with options andrecommendations for developing more cost-effective programs and recommends a planningframework that can facilitate planning to meet homeland security needs.
Transitions for Students with Severe Disabilities presents transition programs for students with moderate and severe disabilities from school to community life. Taking the position that the most effective transition programs are those that cumulatively build on the capacity of students for employment, community living, and citizenship, the authors address the full range of curricular and instructional issues that face professionals working in primary school, secondary school, and post-A level programmes.
Investments in amphibious capabilities by U.S. partners and allies in the Asia Pacific is altering the range of capabilities available in that region. It is also changing the types and frequency of exercises partner nations seek to undertake with the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps team. This study examines ally- and partner-nation investments in amphibious capabilities, how those capabilities will impact demand for U.S. forces, and the range of U.S. amphibious fleet composites to meet the changing demand.
This study seeks to help inform federal and state policymakers, energy producers, investors, and consumers about the potential energy market impacts of state and federal policy decisions associated with the Clean Power Plan as proposed. The report outlines the potential electric power sector and broader energy market impacts of policy design options and implementation choices by modeling the Clean Power Plan. In addition to mapping out the impacts on the electric power sector and consumers, the report also assesses the impact of the Clean Power Plan on potential changes in natural gas and coal production at the national and regional level.
In the past decade, tensions in Asia have risen as Beijing has become more assertive in maritime disputes with its neighbors and the United States. Although taking place below the threshold of direct military confrontation, China’s assertiveness frequently involves coercive elements that put at risk existing rules and norms; physical control of disputed waters and territory; and the credibility of U.S. security commitments. Regional leaders have expressed increasing alarm that such “gray zone” coercion threatens to destabilize the region by increasing the risk of conflict and undermining the rules-based order. Yet, the United States and its allies and partners have struggled to develop effective counters to China’s maritime coercion. This study reviews deterrence literature and nine case studies of coercion to develop recommendations for how the United States and its allies and partners could counter gray zone activity.
The U.S.-India relationship has fluctuated from mutual suspicion to the current high-water mark of cooperation embodied in the seemingly close relationship between U.S. president Barack Obama and Indian prime minister Narendra Modi. This study seeks to identify the opportunities to deepen security cooperation between the two counties, while ensuring continued effort to reduce the obstacles and impediments in each system to working with the other.
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