This Task Force report comprehensively reviews the situation on the peninsula as well as the options for U.S. policy. It provides a valuable ranking of U.S. interests, and calls for a firm commitment from the Obama administration to seek denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, backed by a combination of sanctions, incentives, and sustained political pressure, in addition to increased efforts to contain proliferation. It notes that China's participation in this effort is vital. Indeed, the report makes clear that any hope of North Korea's dismantling its nuclear program rests on China's willingness to take a strong stance. For denuclearization to proceed, China must acknowledge that the long-term hazard of a nuclear Korea is more perilous to it and the region than the short-term risk of instability. The report also recognizes that robust relations between Washington and its allies in the region, Japan and South Korea, must underpin any efforts to deal with the North Korean problem. It looks as well at regime change and scenarios that could lead to reunification of the peninsula. At the same time that the Task Force emphasizes the danger and urgency of North Korea's behavior, it recognizes and applauds the beneficial U.S. relationship with South Korea, which has proved to be a valuable economic and strategic partner. In this vein, the Task Force advocates continued close coordination with Seoul and urges prompt congressional passage of the U.S.-South Korea free trade agreement.
This is the story of how the United States Army responded to the challenges of the end of the Cold War by transforming itself into the most capable ground force in the world today. It argues that from 1989 through 2005 the U.S. Army attempted, and largely achieved, a centrally directed and institutionally driven transformation relevant to ground warfare that exploited Information Age technology, adapted to post?Cold War strategic circumstances, and integrated into parallel Department of Defense efforts. The process not only modernized equipment, it also substantially altered doctrine, organization, training, administrative and logistical practices, and the service culture. Kevlar Legions further contends that the digitized expeditionary Army has withstood the test of combat, performing superbly with respect to deployment and high-end conventional combat and capably with respect to low-intensity conflict and the counterinsurgency challenges of Iraq and Afghanistan.
In this volume, whose title refers to the correspondents who covered the Persian Gulf war from posh hotels in Riyadh and Dhahran, Wall Street Journal reporter Fialka ably chronicles the day-to-day difficulties faced by reporters - ranging from sheer incompetence to outright obstruction on the part of the U.S. Army - and demonstrates the woeful inadequacy of the pool system set up by the military and the press. In large part, he lambastes the Army for its refusal to accommodate journalists and its general attitude of hostility toward the press. (In contrast, the Marines' flair for self-promotion resulted in coverage more extensive than their military role in the war warranted.) Fialka attributes a good deal of this attitude to the military's lingering distrust of the media rooted in the Vietnam War experience. While there was little overt censorship, most of the material written and photographed during the Gulf war was never seen by the American public, and, Fialka says, the Army was shortchanged in accounts of its speedy victory. Most important, says Fialka, the acrimonious relationship between the military and the media bodes ill for future collaborations between the two.
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