This completes a three-volume documentary history of the work of John Franklin Jameson. Composed principally of Jameson’s extensive public and private correspondence, Volume 3 highlights his most important contributions as managing editor of the American Historical Review, director of the Department of Historical Research at the Carnegie Institution in Washington, fund-raiser for the Dictionary of American Biography, and, most important, chief architect and promoter of both the American Council of Learned Societies and the National Archives. This volume brings once more to life a man whose deeds and thoughts continue to influence the world we live in.
John Franklin Jameson (1859-1937) was instrumental in the development of history as an academic discipline in the United States. After the Johns Hopkins University awarded him the country's first doctorate in history, he became a founder of the American Historical Association, served as the first managing editor of the American Historical Review, and was a key figure in the creation of the National Archives, the National Historical Publications Commission, and the Dictionary of American Biography. This book, the first volume in an ambitious documentary edition of Jameson's public and private papers, contains essays representing Jameson's own scholarly concerns, followed by documents that reflect his role as an advocate for public support of historical and humanistic research. Many of these writings appear in print here for the first time. As a writer on historical subjects, Jameson is best known for his small book on the American Revolution, published late in his career. The scholarly essays contained in this volume, however, reveal pioneering work in a variety of subjects, including American political history, black history, southern constitutional and political history, and social history. In such writings Jameson showed great sensitivity to the significance of race, religion, ethnicity, and culture as historical elements. At a time when the study of American political institutions predominated among historical scholars, Jameson championed the claims of social, economic, and religious history and provided a basis for further research that historians have yet to exploit fully. The remaining documents in this volume not only demonstrate Jameson's advocacy of scholarship but also reveal him as a thoughtful commentator on the academic world at a crucial point in its development. Jameson entreated historical societies and professional scholars to decide for themselves the historical research that needed to be done and to seek support accordingly, instead of simply doing whatever work wealthy patrons were willing to subsidize. Similarly, he told colleges and universities to give scholars the freedom to engage in research without being hamstrung by the predilections of trustees. And, finally, he admonished the federal government to fulfill its responsibility to protect and publish historically significant documents. "As a young scholar," notes Morey Rothberg in his introduction, "Jameson was trapped between his desire to explore the social aspects of American political history and his conservative political instincts which appeared to frustrate that ambition. Consequently, he established a career as an institution builder rather than as a writer of historical narrative. He ultimately provided the American historical profession a national structure within which the distinctive elements of race, ethnicity, class, and culture could be investigated by others, since he could not bring himself to attempt this task." The two future volumes in this project will bring together Jameson's correspondence and other documents that detail Jameson's strategies for encouraging the growth of professional scholarship. The completed project promises a wealth of rich insights into the significance of humanistic research and education in contemporary society--a tool not only for historians but also for cultural administrators, journalists, and those involved in politics and government.
This completes a three-volume documentary history of the work of John Franklin Jameson. Composed principally of Jameson’s extensive public and private correspondence, Volume 3 highlights his most important contributions as managing editor of the American Historical Review, director of the Department of Historical Research at the Carnegie Institution in Washington, fund-raiser for the Dictionary of American Biography, and, most important, chief architect and promoter of both the American Council of Learned Societies and the National Archives. This volume brings once more to life a man whose deeds and thoughts continue to influence the world we live in.
John Franklin Jameson (1859-1937) was instrumental in the development of history as an academic discipline in the United States. After the Johns Hopkins University awarded him the country's first doctorate in history, he became a founder of the American Historical Association, served as the first managing editor of the American Historical Review, and was a key figure in the creation of the National Archives, the National Historical Publications Commission, and the Dictionary of American Biography. This book, the first volume in an ambitious documentary edition of Jameson's public and private papers, contains essays representing Jameson's own scholarly concerns, followed by documents that reflect his role as an advocate for public support of historical and humanistic research. Many of these writings appear in print here for the first time. As a writer on historical subjects, Jameson is best known for his small book on the American Revolution, published late in his career. The scholarly essays contained in this volume, however, reveal pioneering work in a variety of subjects, including American political history, black history, southern constitutional and political history, and social history. In such writings Jameson showed great sensitivity to the significance of race, religion, ethnicity, and culture as historical elements. At a time when the study of American political institutions predominated among historical scholars, Jameson championed the claims of social, economic, and religious history and provided a basis for further research that historians have yet to exploit fully. The remaining documents in this volume not only demonstrate Jameson's advocacy of scholarship but also reveal him as a thoughtful commentator on the academic world at a crucial point in its development. Jameson entreated historical societies and professional scholars to decide for themselves the historical research that needed to be done and to seek support accordingly, instead of simply doing whatever work wealthy patrons were willing to subsidize. Similarly, he told colleges and universities to give scholars the freedom to engage in research without being hamstrung by the predilections of trustees. And, finally, he admonished the federal government to fulfill its responsibility to protect and publish historically significant documents. "As a young scholar," notes Morey Rothberg in his introduction, "Jameson was trapped between his desire to explore the social aspects of American political history and his conservative political instincts which appeared to frustrate that ambition. Consequently, he established a career as an institution builder rather than as a writer of historical narrative. He ultimately provided the American historical profession a national structure within which the distinctive elements of race, ethnicity, class, and culture could be investigated by others, since he could not bring himself to attempt this task." The two future volumes in this project will bring together Jameson's correspondence and other documents that detail Jameson's strategies for encouraging the growth of professional scholarship. The completed project promises a wealth of rich insights into the significance of humanistic research and education in contemporary society--a tool not only for historians but also for cultural administrators, journalists, and those involved in politics and government.
These essays introduce the complexities of researching and analyzing race. This book focuses on problems confronted while researching, writing and interpreting race and slavery, such as conflict between ideological perspectives, and changing interpretations of the questions.
Winner of the Goldsmith Book Prize by the Harvard Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy Manipulating the Masses tells the story of the enduring threat to American democracy that arose out of World War I: the establishment of pervasive, systematic propaganda as an instrument of the state. During the Great War, the federal government exercised unprecedented power to shape the views and attitudes of American citizens. Its agent for this was the Committee on Public Information (CPI), established by President Woodrow Wilson one week after the United States entered the war in April 1917. Driven by its fiery chief, George Creel, the CPI reached every crevice of the nation, every day, and extended widely abroad. It established the first national newspaper, made prepackaged news a quotidian aspect of governing, and pioneered the concept of public diplomacy. It spread the Wilson administration’s messages through articles, cartoons, books, and advertisements in newspapers and magazines; through feature films and volunteer Four Minute Men who spoke during intermission; through posters plastered on buildings and along highways; and through pamphlets distributed by the millions. It enlisted the nation’s leading progressive journalists, advertising executives, and artists. It harnessed American universities and their professors to create propaganda and add legitimacy to its mission. Even as Creel insisted that the CPI was a conduit for reliable, fact-based information, the office regularly sanitized news, distorted facts, and played on emotions. Creel extolled transparency but established front organizations. Overseas, the CPI secretly subsidized news organs and bribed journalists. At home, it challenged the loyalty of those who occasionally questioned its tactics. Working closely with federal intelligence agencies eager to sniff out subversives and stifle dissent, the CPI was an accomplice to the Wilson administration’s trampling of civil liberties. Until now, the full story of the CPI has never been told. John Maxwell Hamilton consulted over 150 archival collections in the United States and Europe to write this revealing history, which shows the shortcuts to open, honest debate that even well-meaning propagandists take to bend others to their views. Every element of contemporary government propaganda has antecedents in the CPI. It is the ideal vehicle for understanding the rise of propaganda, its methods of operation, and the threat it poses to democracy.
One hundred and forty years before Gerda Lerner established women’s history as a specialized field in 1972, a small group of women began to claim American Indian history as their own domain. A Field of Their Own examines nine key figures in American Indian scholarship to reveal how women came to be identified with Indian history and why they eventually claimed it as their own field. From Helen Hunt Jackson to Angie Debo, the magnitude of their research, the reach of their scholarship, the popularity of their publications, and their close identification with Indian scholarship makes their invisibility as pioneering founders of this specialized field all the more intriguing. Reclaiming this lost history, John M. Rhea looks at the cultural processes through which women were connected to Indian history and traces the genesis of their interest to the nineteenth-century push for women’s rights. In the early 1830s evangelical preachers and women’s rights proponents linked American Indians to white women’s religious and social interests. Later, pre-professional women ethnologists would claim Indians as a special political cause. Helen Hunt Jackson’s 1881 publication, A Century of Dishonor, and Alice Fletcher’s 1887 report, Indian Education and Civilization, foreshadowed the emerging history profession’s objective methodology and established a document-driven standard for later Indian histories. By the twentieth century, historians Emma Helen Blair, Louise Phelps Kellogg, and Annie Heloise Abel, in a bid to boost their professional status, established Indian history as a formal specialized field. However, enduring barriers continued to discourage American Indians from pursuing their own document-driven histories. Cultural and academic walls crumbled in 1919 when Cherokee scholar Rachel Caroline Eaton earned a Ph.D. in American history. Eaton and later Indigenous historians Anna L. Lewis and Muriel H. Wright would each play a crucial role in shaping Angie Debo’s 1940 indictment of European American settler colonialism, And Still the Waters Run. Rhea’s wide-ranging approach goes beyond existing compensatory histories to illuminate the national consequences of women’s century-long predominance over American Indian scholarship. In the process, his thoughtful study also chronicles Indigenous women’s long and ultimately successful struggle to transform the way that historians portray American Indian peoples and their pasts.
A collection of essays which chronicles the career and works of Japan's self-proclaimed bridge across the Pacific, Nitobe Inazo. He was appointed Under-Secretary of the League of Nations before the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931 led to his downfall.
Spanning the era from the end of Reconstruction (1877) to 1920, the entries of this reference were chosen with attention to the people, events, inventions, political developments, organizations, and other forces that led to significant changes in the U.S. in that era. Seventeen initial stand-alone essays describe as many themes.
This book, originally published in 1977, is a survey of European historiography from its origins in the historians of Greece and Rome, through the annalists and chroniclers of the middle ages, to the historians of the late eighteenth century. The author concentrates on those writers whose works fit into a specific category of writing, or who have inlfuence the course of later historical writing, though he does deal with some of the more specialist forms of medieval historiography such as the crusading writers, and chivalrous historians like Froissart. He maintains that ‘modern’ history did not develop until the 18th Century.
This book presents three decades of writings by one of America's most distinguished historians. John Higham, renowned for his influential works on immigration, ethnicity, political symbolism, and the writing of history, here traces the changing contours of American culture since its beginnings, focusing on the ways that an extraordinarily mobile society has allowed divergent ethnic, class, and ideological groups to "hang together" as Americans. The book includes classic essays by Higham and more recent writings, some of which have been substantially revised for this publication. Topics range widely from the evolution of American national symbols and the fate of our national character to new perspectives on the New Deal, on other major turning points, and on changes in race relations after major American wars. Yet they are unified by an underlying theme: that a heterogeneous society and an inclusive national culture need each other.
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