It is widely believed that globalization has proceeded to the point where international economic linkages are as strong as those within nations. Struck by research suggesting that this perception is dramatically mistaken, John Helliwell spent three years assessing the evidence. The results are reported in this book, the latest in Brookings' Integrating National Economies series. It provides the most systematic measurements yet available of the relative importance of global and national economic ties. The original finding, based on a gravity model of trade flows, was that 1988 trade linkages between Canadian provinces were twenty times as dense as those between Canadian provinces and U.S. states of similar size and distance. A much longer and more detailed body of data is used to expand and explain these findings. Data for trade within and among OECD and some developing countries are used to show that the Canadian-U.S. results are applicable to other countries. Helliwell then surveys and extends the evidence relating to price linkages, capital mobility, migration, and knowledge spillovers, finding in all cases very large border effects. The evidence offers a challenge to economists, policymakers, and citizens to explain why national economies have so much staying power, and to consider whether this is a good or bad thing. Helliwell argues that since large and small industrial economies have similar levels of income, there are likely to be diminishing returns from increases in globalization beyond levels sufficient to permit the ready exploitation of comparative advantages in trade, and relatively easy access to knowledge developed elsewhere.
Researchers and policy-makers are taking a new look at public policies to find broader grounds for assessing their economic and social impacts on individuals, families, communities, and nations. This book introduces this new research on social capital and well-being and applies it to key issues facing individuals and governments in the age of globalization. John Helliwell first looks at the latest evidence about the extent to which globalization has altered the scope and salience of nation-states. He then deals with the implications for both domestic and international policies. Throughout the book, the author emphasizes well-being as an explicit focus for research and for public policies. He argues that, whatever one thinks of globalization, there is ample scope for countries like Canada to not only retain their distinctive qualities but also to have independent national and international policies. Globalization and Well-Being is essential reading for all those trying to think their way through the welter of conflicting assertions about what is left for national policies in today's world. It will be of special interest to those thinking about whether Canada should focus on its North American linkages or on building bridges to the broader international community.
Being, or wanting to become, a scientist requires academic training in the science subjects. To succeed as a research scientist and educator requires specific as well as general skills. Skills for a Scientific Life provides insight into how to be successful. This career book is intended for potential entrants, early career and mid-career scientists for a wide range of science disciplines. Features Offers advice on specific skills for research article writing, grant writing, and refereeing as well as teaching undergraduates and supervising postgraduates Provides helpful case studies resulting from the author's teaching and mentoring experience Contributes a special emphasis on skills for realizing wider impacts such as sustainability and gender equality Presents several chapters on leadership skills both in academe and in government service Concludes with an emphasis on the author’s overall underpinning of the topics from the point of view of ethics
John J. Fitzgerald addresses here one of life's enduring questions - how to achieve personal fulfillment and more specifically whether we can do so through ethical conduct. He focuses on two significant twentieth-century theologians - Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel and Pope John Paul II - seeing both as fitting dialogue partners, given the former's influence on the Second Vatican Council's deliberations on the Jews, and the latter's groundbreaking overtures to the Jews in the wake of his experiences in Poland before and during World War II. Fitzgerald demonstrates that Heschel and John Paul II both suggest that doing good generally leads us to growth in various components of personal fulfillment, such as happiness, meaning in life, and freedom from selfish desires. There are, however, some key differences between the two theologians - John Paul II emphasizes more strongly the relationship between acting well and attaining eternal life, whereas Heschel wrestles more openly with the possibility that religious commitment ultimately involves anxiety and sadness. By examining historical and contemporary analyses, including the work of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, the philosopher Peter Singer, and some present-day psychologists, Fitzgerald builds a narrative that shows the promise and limits of Heschel's and John Paul II's views.
It is often said that politics is an amoral realm of power and interest in which moral judgment is irrelevant. In this book, by contrast, John Kane argues that people's positive moral judgments of political actors and institutions provide leaders with an important resource, which he christens 'moral capital'. Negative judgements cause a loss of moral capital which jeopardizes legitimacy and political survival. Studies of several historical and contemporary leaders - Lincoln, de Gaulle, Mandela, Aung San Suu Kyi - illustrate the significance of moral capital for political legitimation, mobilizing support, and the creation of strategic opportunities. In the book's final section, Kane applies his arguments to the American presidency from Kennedy to Clinton. He argues that a moral crisis has afflicted the nation at its mythical heart and has been refracted through and enacted within its central institutions, eroding the moral capital of government and people and undermining the nation's morale.
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