During the first half of the twentieth century, John A. Ryan advocated minimum wage legislation and child labor restrictions and was very much involved in Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. More closely connected with the makers of national economic policy as a Catholic moral theologian than his better-known Protestant contemporaries. Walter Rauschenbusch and Reinhold Niebuhr, his influence has been extensive in American public policy. This volume brings to readers pertinent selections from Ryan's classic works. It will be particularly relevant to today's readers concerned about the place of religious faith in economic policy.
Few American military figures are more revered than General John J. "Black Jack" Pershing (1860--1948), who is most famous for leading the American Expeditionary Forces in World War I. The only soldier besides George Washington to be promoted to the highest rank in the U.S. Army (General of the Armies), Pershing was a mentor to the generation of generals who led America's forces during the Second World War. Though Pershing published a two-volume memoir, My Experiences in the World War, and has been the subject of numerous biographies, few know that he spent many years drafting a memoir of his experiences prior to the First World War. In My Life Before the World War, 1860--1917, John T. Greenwood rescues this vital resource from obscurity, making Pershing's valuable insights into key events in history widely available for the first time. Pershing performed frontier duty against the Apaches and Sioux from 1886--1891, fought in Cuba in 1898, served three tours of duty in the Philippines, and was an observer with the Japanese Army in 1905 during the Russo-Japanese War. He also commanded the Mexican Punitive Expedition to capture Pancho Villa in 1916--1917. My Life Before the World War provides a rich personal account of events, people, and places as told by an observer at the center of the action. Carefully edited and annotated, this memoir is a significant contribution to our understanding of a legendary American soldier and the historic events in which he participated.
In this book an attempt is made to probe more carefully the processes by which social and ethnic problems, as these pertain to Caribbean countries, Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana, are conveyed to the political arena and the mechanisms by which they determine critical outcomes. The authors of this book have accordingly distinguished between predisposing factors and what are described as triggering mechanisms. The factors that trigger dramatic changes will differ between Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago. In short, while in some respects these societies are similar, in others, there are dramatic differences in their respective histories and political developments. This study begins with a survey of the literature on race relations and their connections with politics; it then proceeds to examine the context for the insertion of the two major groups into these societies, the emergence of ethnic groups, and their relationships with political organizations. The nature and politics of the leaders are then analyzed along with the political structures with a view to identifying what factors were responsible for the differing political experiences of both countries.
Augustine established a moral framework that dominated Western culture for more than a thousand years. His partly flawed presentation of some of its key concepts (love, will and freedom), however, prompted subsequent thinkers to attempt to repair this framework, and their efforts often aggravated the very problems they intended to solve. Over time, dissatisfaction with an imperfect Augustinian theology gave way to increasingly secular and eventually impersonal moral systems. This volume traces the distortion of Augustine's thought from the twelfth century to the present and examines its consequent reconstructions. John M. Rist argues that modern philosophies should be recognized as offering no compelling answers to questions about the human condition and as leading inevitably to conventionalism or nihilism. In order to avoid this end, he proposes a return to an updated Augustinian Christianity. Essential reading for anyone interested in Augustine and his influence, Augustine Deformed revitalizes his original conception of love, will and freedom.
This book is part of our history, one that has slipped from memory in the passage of time. The story of Nick Coleman, one of his generations most inspired leaders, while overdue, is still worth telling, and surely it carries important lessons for us now. Walter F. Mondale In January 1973, Nick Coleman became the fi rst Democrat in 114 years to lead the majority in the Minnesota Senate. He provided the vision and leadership required to enact the Minnesota equivalent of Lyndon Johnsons social and economic programs known as the Great Society. This was the high tide of liberal politics in Minnesota, the crest in voter support that also sent Hubert Humphrey, Eugene McCarthy, and Walter Mondale to national prominence. For the Good of the Order chronicles Nick Colemans role in the legislative cauldron that resulted in Minnesota being recognized throughout the country as the state that works. Despite spirited political challenges, these remarkable achievements resulted from genuine collaboration from both sides of the aisle. Moreover, the debate over these initiatives helped raise Minnesotas legislative branch to coequal status with the executive. Sadly, they also marked the beginning of the demise of civility, respect, and compromise among lawmakers. Coleman was an Irish-American, and proud of his heritage. His talent for leadership was surely enhanced by his Celtic wit and view of the world. No caricature of the Irish pol, however, Coleman used his verbal gifts and charm to offer reasons why a hesitant colleague could safely follow him when votes were needed for controversial bills. He led from the front, especially when debate was most intense, and unfl inchingly took the fi ercest fi re from adversaries. When Nick Coleman left the political arena in 1981, a wave of conservatism was sweeping the country. Since his departure, much of the agenda Coleman fought so hard to accomplish has been diluted or reversed. Nevertheless, his legacy remains an inspiration to all who believe that a society should be judged by how it treats its weakest and least powerful. Perhaps Hubert Humphrey voiced this belief most succinctly when he said, ...the moral test of government is how that government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; those who are in the shadows of life: the sick, the needy and the handicapped. Those were the people Nick Coleman fought forand never forgot.
George G. Higgins and the Quest for Worker Justice: The Evolution of Catholic Social Thought in America is a comprehensive and fascinating examination of the Catholic Church's involvement in social issues from the late 19th to the end of the 20th century through the lens of the life, career, writings, and ministry of the legendary Monsignor Higgins. Inspiring to both the clergy and laity, Msgr. George G. Higgins put a human face on the institutional commitments of the Church, advocated the role of the laity, remained loyal to the vision of the Second Vatican Council, and took the side of the working poor in his movement with organized labor. Much more than a limited biography, author John O' Brien offers a sweeping history of the "social questions" facing America over the past 100 years, the thought behind one of the leading figures in the worker justice movement, and a moving application of the rich heritage of Catholic Social Thought.
For two centuries, Catholicism has played a profound and largely unexamined role in America's political and intellectual life. Emphasizing the community over the individual, Catholics have alternately challenged and supported American liberals on a variety of controversial issues, including slavery, public education, economic reform, the movies, contraception, the nuclear arms race and abortion. The story of Catholicism is also international, as Catholics and non-Catholics reacted to people, ideas and events abroad, from the 1848 revolutions to the rise of European fascism in the 1930s and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s. This history of both Catholicism and anti-Catholicism puts the sexual-abuse scandal in the Church of the early 21st century and the media's response into a larger context.
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